By Arun Srivastava

The Naxalite movement, originating from a 1967 peasant uprising in Naxalbari, West Bengal, has witnessed numerous “twists and turns,” evolving from a localized armed insurrection into a fragmented insurgency and, in recent years, a shrinking threat experiencing mass surrenders and gruesome killings of cadres by the security forces. But one evolution is quite significant. Notwithstanding large scale killings of the Naxalites, the spirit of the movement remains among the tribals of the earlier Maoist dominated areas.

Home Minister Amit Shah has announced March 31, 2026 as the deadline for the abolition of Naxalism from the country. Shah has used strong arms tactics of the security forces to finish the remaining Maoists who have been fighting the state machinery in their designated regions. There have been series of surrender by the armed rebels in the last few months. By the end of this month, Home Minister may be happy in finding that most of the Naxal leaderships have been eliminated but his boast of eliminating Naxalism is misplaced. Naxalite parties and their leaders may be crushed, but Shah will not be able to crush the ideology.

The first organized party of the Naxalites was founded on May 1, 1969 at a huge mass rally at Sahid Minar, the then Calcutta. Charu Majumdar, a rebel from the CPI(M), which initially after formation in 1964 followed the Chinese line and Mao, was elected as the Chairman of the new party. Following the death of founder Charu Majumdar in police custody in 1972, the movement split into over 40 separate groups, often engaging in sectarian conflicts rather than unified revolutionary action. The conflicts had strong ideological contour. A new resurging ideology of armed struggle obviously had some basic confusions and contradictions leading to group fighting and giving advantage to the state machinery to arrest and kill the activists.

Two ideological issues; annihilation of class enemy and the slogan, China’s Chairman is our Chairman, had harmed the movement. These two issues, instead of being evaluated in proper perspective, were sidelined. Different factions sent differing directives. There was total chaos in West Bengal, Bihar and some parts of Odisha and Chhattisgarh along with Andhra Pradesh. In West Bengal, during the rule of the chief minister S S Ray, the government actions led to near crash of the active Naxalite groups while many leaders were in jails. After the Left Front came to power in 1977, the LF government released the Naxalites from prison. Many of them started to review the new situation in Bengal, but in other states, the older groups remained active.

The Maoists did not modify their strategy in 1980s as also in 1990s following the beginning of the process of liberalization in the Indian economy, the new Chinese line for market socialism under Deng Xiao Ping and later the fall of the socialist system in East Europe including the Soviet Union. The limited number of Maoist groups were still continuing their fight in the old form giving big scope to the state machinery to isolate them from the aspirational youth even in the tribal areas.

Maoists operating in South India, primarily in the Andhra-Odisha Border (AOB) region, Telangana, and the tri-junction area of Kerala, Karnataka, and Tamil Nadu, continue to engage in violent clashes with police due to a combination of ideological commitment to armed struggle, the need to protect their remaining rural strongholds, and retaliation against intensifying state pressure. Indeed a dichotomy, despite decline in the movement, violent incidents persist. The CPI (Maoist) maintains its core ideology of capturing state power through “protracted people’s war,” rejecting the democratic process. They view the state as feudal and imperialist, and violent conflict is seen as the only method to achieve their goals. Maoists retaliate against these losses, targeting security personnel to project strength and deter further surrenders. Their number is dwindling, but there are still a few determined Maoists. They are expected to hit at the security forces even after March 31 , 2026 deadline.

Land acquisition by large corporate for industrial, mining, and infrastructure projects in South India—and across the “Red Corridor”—has been a significant factor contributing to the persistence of Maoist armed resistance. Notwithstanding Shah’s claim that the movement has been on decline the fact remains the cadres are “hardcore” and concentrated in the Dandakaranya region (Chhattisgarh-Odisha border).

If one looks at the history of the Naxalite movement in India, it is seen that. By the middle of 1972, the Party had suffered almost total paralysis. The entire central leadership was virtually decimated. The remaining Party forces were all lying scattered and fragmented. And on the question of the Party’s line, there was confusion all around. Then, the Party in its July 1990 Special Conference in Delhi decided to resume open functioning after nearly twenty years. That was how the CPI(ML)-L was born and started taking up the mantle of original CPI(ML) of 1969 taking into account the new realities of the Indian situation.

The Party continues to pay the highest attention to building revolutionary peasant struggles and organising armed resistance against the attacks by private armies of the landlords and junkers as well as the state. CPI(ML)-Liberation has been the true inheritor of India’s Revolutionary Communist Legacy. While other communist revolutionary groups have faced existential crisis and even some got dissipated during the last 60 years, the CPI(ML) Liberation has not only survived but maintained its continuity and unity since its reorganisation in 1974. Besides having a strong national network, it has been regularly holding its Congresses and Conferences up to regional and district levels.

Vinod Mishra rectified the CPI(ML) by shifting it from dogmatic, isolated armed struggle to a mass-based, democratic oriented and finally merging revolutionary politics with legal struggles. Initiated in the late 1970s, his rectification campaign abandoned the strict underground-only policy to build open organizations like the Indian People’s Front (IPF) and liberation.org.in in 1982. He broke with the early CPI(ML)’s dogma while maintaining its revolutionary legacy, analyzing the Indian situation to adapt communist strategy. He oversaw the party’s entry into the electoral process as a tactic to engage with the broader public and gain legal standing, often focusing on campaigns in Bihar. He worked to build a strong, disciplined party organization that could operate amidst both intense repression and democratic, open spaces.

The decline of the Naxalite movement in India is a complex, multi-factorial process rather than the result of a single cause. Internal rivalry, ideological fractures, and leadership crises have been major contributing factors. Vinod Mishra and Tarimela Nagi Reddy were both prominent leaders in the Indian communist movement, specifically within the revolutionary, anti-revisionist streams that branched off from the main communist parties. However, they operated in different eras, led different factions, and held differing views on tactics, particularly regarding armed struggle versus mass organization. Vinod Mishra was a key leader in the CPI(ML)-Liberation group, which began in the Naxalite tradition and later underwent significant reorientation under his leadership. T. Nagi Reddy was a veteran communist leader from Andhra Pradesh who formed his own revolutionary stream in opposition to both the CPM and the mainstream Naxalite (CPI-ML) leadership.

The journey of the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) Liberation—often referred to as CPI(ML) Liberation or the “Liberation” group—is a transition from an underground armed struggle movement to a significant electoral and mass-based political force in India under the leadership of its new General Secretary Dipankar Bhattacharya..

Abhijit Mazumdar, son of Charu Majumdar who is also the West Bengal state secretary of the Communist Party of India Marxist-Leninist (Liberation) holds: “… Yes, we are now focussing on protecting constitutional democracy first as we feel that is more important today in the fight against fascism, nexus between remnant feudal and big business as also combat misrule by different shades of governments” CPI(ML) Liberation is fighting in West Bengal assembly elections in ten seats as a partner of the Left Front. In Bihar and Jharkhand also, the CPI(ML)-L is acting as a force in the state legislature focusing on the plight of the rural poor. It is to be seen whether the CPI(ML)-L can bring the other Maoist groups, now disgruntled within its ideological and organizational fold. (IPA Service)

The article Twists And Turns In Naxalite Movement In Last Six Decades After 1967 Uprising appeared first on Latest India news, analysis and reports on Newspack by India Press Agency).

The article Twists And Turns In Naxalite Movement In Last Six Decades After 1967 Uprising appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

The bill to remove a prime minister, chief minister or any other minister in jail for 30 days, without conviction is awell-designed plot to accomplish the RSS-BJP mission of pushing India to one nation-one party rule. This is one of the alternate choices like the SIR to have saffron idea turn into reality.

It would be naive to construe that this instrument in future would not be misused. The timing of moving the bill in Parliament ought to be seriously taken note. Home minister Amit Shah moving the bill coinciding with SIR virtually on the verge of collapse, has wider implication. Like SIR, the instrument would strengthen and empower the rightist forces and deprive the centrist and secular of the political space they deserve.

According to sources, like all other programmes, the RSS in collusion with the BJP had drew the strategy long back, precisely after comprehending the mood of the people that they have turned anti-BJP. By this time the basic ingredients were already being implemented. He bill on conviction was an alternative idea to the SIR.

The bill seeks to remove a prime minister, chief minister or any other minister in jail for 30 days, without conviction. It will empower its agencies, ED, CBI and others to act recklessly. People are yet to forget the manner in which opposition chief ministers Arvind Kejriwal and Hemant Soren were arrested and made to languish in jail without trial. While granting bail to Soren, Supreme Court had observed; “We don’t want to observe anything more, if we observe you might be in difficulty”

It is a well-known fact that Narendra Modi and Amit Shah had used the judiciary and the judicial provisions during their eleven year rule to scare and finish the opposition leaders. Almost all opposition leaders across India had to become the victim of weaponisation of the judicial process. In this backdrop how any one could subscribe to the Modi or Amit Shah’s explanation that the latest instrument was only meant to check corruption.

Some rightist advocates and academics plead that the arrested persons can apply for bail within the period of 30 days and get released before the expiry of the term. These people no doubt are trying to mislead the people and help the evil design of Modi. We have before us examples of many academics and intellectuals and social activists languishing in the jails without even serving them the chargesheet.

Father Stan Swamy died in jail without trial. On 8 October 2020, Swamy was arrested and charged by the National Investigation Agency under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, for his alleged role in the 2018 Bhima Koregaon violence and links to the Communist Party of India (Maoist). Judiciary rejected his bail request multiple times. Incarcerated, his health deteriorated and died on 5 July 2021.

Omar Khalid is languishing in jail for more than five years. He was arrested in September 2020, Mr Khalid for being accused as “key conspirator” in violent clashes in Delhi that killed 53 people, mostly Muslims. The February riots in Delhi had occurred amid massive months-long protests against a contentious citizenship law. Two police cases were lodged against Khalid. One case has been dropped, while in the other, he hasn’t been charged in court yet, and the trial hasn’t begun. What has come as a rude shock is the fact that while Supreme Court speaks of bail as right, it has ignored the fact that Khalid has been in jail for more than five years. What is worse he has been arrested under Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) – a notorious anti-terror law.

There are numerous such cases. These two are rare cases. Moving the bill yesterday in the Parliament, that is too in the midst of country witnessing massive agitation against SIR, exposes the wicked design of RSS and Modi government. Senior advocate Sanjay Hegde holds: “The disqualification is temporary and to the extent until which the person is in jail. One can resume office after release.” But at the same time admits; “However, there is a great possibility of misuse. I foresee strong governments in the Centre misusing it against strong governments in the states.”

Going by Hegde’s observation, by the time the arrested person gets the bail, the game will be over and the political career of the poor guy is finished. This is precisely the intention of Modi and Shah behind bringing the bill. They intend to finish the political career of the opposition leaders and make India a country of one party, one nation and one election. SIR in reality was brought in vogue with this aim. But Rahul’s expose has turned it redundant. Now they are trying to experiment with the conviction bill.

Senior Supreme Court advocate Indira Jaising is right in her observation: “In a country where criminal law is used for persecution, not prosecution, and as a tool for eliminating all Opposition parties, the proposed constitutional amendment is also weaponising the Constitution itself. When the ED and the CBI are under the direct control of the central government, federalism gets destroyed.”

Saffron ecosystem claim of exterminating corruption by bringing in constitutional amendment is purely a farce and meant to fool people. It once again enforces the fact that Modi and Amit treat the Indians as idiots and fools. It is an open secret that Amit Shah has been instrumental in allowing passage and inducting the corrupt politicians into BJP. All these turncoats by virtue of their closeness to Amit Shah have been ruling the roots in their states, whether it is Maharashtra, Bihar, UP, Bengal or MP. They dictate the political course of the party in their states. A common phrase moves around in the political circle: BJP is a washing machine for all the corrupt politicians”.

Really it is outrageous to think that Modi and Amit Shah would eradicate corruption. This constitution amendment bill simply aims at turning India a meadow for the saffron brigade. With all the opposition or even rebel BJP leaders in jail or disqualified, Modi and Amit will help RSS to implement its plan of one-party rule.

Their track record of punishing the so called people makes it explicit. Out of 193 cases registered by the ED against political rivals of the BJP, only two have ended in conviction, proving that 191 cases are false and foisted for political reasons. Satyendra Jain of AAP had to spend two years in jail without any charge. Bracketing the prime minister along with chief ministers and other ministers is the biggest joke cracked by RSS and BJP. The saffron ecosystem played to this gallery gimmick only to convince the people of its sincerity and seriousness.

Can anyone imagine that a prime minister would be arrested for helping Adani or any other big corporate honcho. For arresting prime minister, the sanction has to be obtained from the President that is too on the advice of the Union cabinet. Is it feasible? Can the cabinet ministers bell their leader? With the passing of the bill, India will turn into a police state in which constitution is irrelevant. AIMIM’s Asaduddin Owaisi was correct in saying that the bills were aimed at creating a Gestapo, the secret police of Nazi Germany. India will also cease to have a criminal justice system with judiciary failing to muster courage to confront the political rulers.

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee banged the Constitutional Amendment Bill as a move “more than a super Emergency” and “a Hitlerian assault on the very soul of Indian democracy”. While proclaiming that the dangerous outreach ought to be resisted, she described the bill as “death knell for democracy and federalism in India which seeks to empower the Union to intrude upon the mandate of the people, handing sweeping powers to unelected authorities (ED, CBI – whom the Supreme Court has described as ‘caged parrots’) to interfere in the functioning of elected state governments.” According to her, “It is a step to empower the Prime Minister and the Union home minister in a sinister manner at the expense of the basic principles of our Constitution and strip the judiciary of its constitutional role.”.She was speaking the truth. (IPA Service)

The article The 130th Constitution Amendment Bill Is Aimed At Pushing India To One Party Rule appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

Saffron ecosystem, especially the BJP leadership always strives to turn a Hindu festival into a political controversy. Every dispute adds to its membership and helps widen its support base. This time too they have succeeded in their move to politicize Maha Kumbh Mela. Notwithstanding stampede and death of large number of pilgrims in this year’s Kumbh Mela, which sullied image of the BJP government of UP and even slayed its political and administrative credibility, the saffron ecosystem has vivified its religious face.

Long ahead of holding of the festival, the saffron ecosystem and its UP and Central governments were busy creating the hype of it being the most propitious occasion for attaining salvation according to the Hindu almanac. It was advertised that the 2025 Maha Kumbh Mela was special because it was the result of a rare alignment of the Sun, Moon, Jupiter, and Saturn. Besides the sacred geography of Prayagraj made this year’s event especially momentous. It is held at the confluence of the Ganga, Yamuna, and Saraswati rivers and has been recognized as part of Intangible Cultural Heritage by UNESCO.

The saffron strategists marketed the event in a skilful manner to the maximum advantage of the big business and corporate houses and at the same time arouse the religious passion of the Hindus for political gains. The conventional Hindus took their words of being living embodiment of India’s timeless traditions, history, and cultural identity, as gospel truth and rushed to Prayagraj. The saffron ecosystem and its marketing strategists were successful in their mission as crores of spiritual Hindus took dip every day in the Triveni Sangam.

With Hindutva slogan of Narendra Modi losing its charm and relevance, RSS and BJP needed some other issue and occasion to survive and for acceptability. Only last year the RSS publicly confessed that Modi has lost the ability to mobilise religious sentiments for political gains. Naturally deepening economic distress and growing disparities conjured the RSS and BJP to look for some alternate. Losing Lok Sabha election has turned RSS more desperate. LS elections had sent a strong signal that Modi can no longer carry his party’s fortunes on his shoulder single-handedly.

RSS which has been on the mission to remove Modi from power and has been striving hard to build its base in the Dalits and OBCs also planned to use the occasion to reach out to this section. It had taken out nearly 8,000 students of the average age of 10 years from SC communities for “Kumbh Darshan”. It was done with the am to ensure that these students become familiar with Hindu traditions, Indian culture and are prevented from “falling prey” to religious conversions.

UP chief minister with the aim of effective marketing held the cabinet meeting at Kumbh site and took bath with his cabinet ministers January 22. Holding meeting of the state cabinet at the religious site and then taking a ritual bath “for purification of sins” virtually amounted to providing official recognition and patronage to a religious event which otherwise should have been a personal act of devotion.

How commercial interests were intertwined with the religious celebration could be seen in Gautam Adani’s distributing food in a tent and sponsoring one crore copies of a collection of prayer songs. The two stampedes leaves no scope for ambiguity religion is well entrenched in the driving seat. India and Indians will have more thriving pilgrimage centres to promote the commercial interest of the saffron ecosystem and rightist forces. Look at the manner in which the rightist icon Donald Trump has been using politics to promote business. He is even against India giving space to he business interest of his own aide Musk.

True enough it was the political compulsion that forced Yogi and also both the strongmen Modi and Amit Shah to take dip in the holy Triveni. What made them scary was, BJP not losing the seats, but the danger of it losing its credibility and political relevance; the reversal of the process of political ascendency and losing the core base of majority-Hindu voters. The BJP had got 36 seats while the opposition INDIA alliance won 43, including 37 by Samajwadi.

In its hurry to emerge as the new face of Hindutva who had the political capability to represent the aspirations of Hindus and lead the party, UP chief minister, Yogi Adityanath forgot to adhere to the basic security measures and ethos. This has been exposed by the CPCB which in its report had said that faecal coliform and biochemical oxygen demand levels did not meet the bathing criteria during monitoring carried out in the second week of January.

A bench of NGT chairperson Justice Prakash Shrivastava, judicial member Sudhir Agarwal, and expert member A Senthi Vel were hearing the matter on the compliance of a December order, wherein it had directed the UP government and the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB) to ensure that water quality in rivers Ganga and Yamuna was fit to drink and bathe in during the Kumbh. It pulled up the UP Pollution Control Board of not filing an action taken report in compliance with its December 23 order.

The CPCB report on water quality in the Ganga at Kumbh had said, “River water quality was not conforming with the primary water quality for bathing with respect to faecal coliform at all the monitored locations on various occasions. A huge number of people (are) taking a bath at Prayagraj during Maha Kumbh Mela in the river, including auspicious bathing days, which eventually leads to an increase in faecal concentration.”

This CPCB report exposed the utter contempt of the RSS and BJP leadership towards the religious beliefs and commitment of Hindus and simply treats them as a tool to win the elections and come to the power. The UPPCB even tried to get exonerated of the crime by saying that it had filed a compliance report. It even tried to say that the CPCB was lying by seeking to know the exact locations from where they collected water samples. This prompted the bench to ask whether they were disputing the CPCB’s report.

Realising the intensity of erosion of credibility and image from this revelation, Yogi has launched counter diatribe against the expose. Nevertheless it ought to be mentioned that a day after being reprimanded by the National Green Tribunal (NGT) for delay in submitting action taken report on maintaining water quality in Prayagraj for the Mahakumbh, the UP Pollution Control Board (UPPCB) tendered unconditional apology on Tuesday along with the report.

Yogi countering the NGT version told the state assembly only yesterday that the UPPCB has been continuously monitoring the water quality at the Sangam and it is fit for both bathing and ritual drinking (aachman). He held; “This time, 81 drains have been tapped, treating 261 MLD (million litres per day) of sewage. In January and February, faecal coliform levels at the Sangam nose were found to be within the acceptable range, below 2,500 MPN per 100 ml, according to the UP Pollution (Control) Board”. He said the Maha Kumbh 2025 is being organised in a “grand” manner, while the 2013 edition suffered due to the “corruption, mismanagement”, administrative negligence and chaos of the SP rule. For the 2025 event, 14 flyovers, nine permanent ghats, and seven riverfronts have been prepared. The length of temporary ghats has increased from just 4 km in 2013 to 12 km in 2025, he added.

The Kumbh Mela was being used by RSS and BJP as an opportunity for outreach, especially to build ties with sections of society which did not vote for the BJP. Undeniably this has been a very disturbing convergence of state and religion. The worst has been their blatant attempt to hide the actual number of devout Hindus who died in the stampede. It appears speaking lies and falsehood are the basic traits of the saffron ecosystem. Not only Modi or Mohan Bhagwat were accused of speaking lies. The stampede has also made bare the fact that Yogi is not far behind these leaders in speaking lies. If his claim that adequate police arrangements were in place at the Kumbh, this nature of stampede certainly would not have happened. (IPA Service)

The article BJP Leadership Is Set To Use Maha Kumbh Festival For Electoral Gains In 2027 Polls appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat returned to Nagpur a disappointed patriarch. His ten day mission to Bengal to find a “credible and charismatic face” who could throw Mamata Banerjee out of power and install a saffron government after 2026 state assembly polls, could not be accomplished. Known as a man of few words, he did not express his displeasure openly but he was sure that the saffron ecosystem with the present leaders leading the pack would not succeed in catching the imagination of the people of the state and provide an alternate government.

What hurt him most was the assorted nature of the BJP leadership who were more concerned of their own personal projections than promoting the interest of the party. He was also not happy with the functioning of the state RSS leaders. The malaise of keeping aloof from the issues the people face, has also gripped the organisation. Bhagwat went back with the impression that Modi and Shah’s move to encourage the TMC turncoats to diktat the functioning of the saffron ecosystem in the state has conjured a common Bengali to keep away from the party. The BJP has remained a party of the non-Bengali migrants.

Enjoying the support of these people and disgruntled Marxist and TMC workers, the party might have won 77 seats in 2021 assembly election, it has not succeeded in making dent in the Bengali psyche. Bengalis still are averse to identify with the state BJP, though a major section of them feel frustrated with the functioning of Trinamool government in the state in the last fourteen years.. Recurring bloody group clashes amongst the TMC cadres have simply eroded much of its credibility. But they do not see the present BJP as its alternative.

At his meeting with 18 senior functionaries where the participants discussed expanding the RSS influence at the grassroots level, it was pointed out to Bhagwat that BJP slogan of Jai Sri Ram is proving counterproductive. The meeting was attended by 25 representatives from nine key divisions of the RSS, including the executive leadership, propagators. Movement coordinators, took part in separate discussions. It was also pointed out that though efforts were made to spread the organisation’s ideology and philosophy to the lowest levels of society, there were few takers from Bengali society.

Though they firmly believe in equality and do not discriminate, they at the same time nurse the feeling that national leadership has been thrusting their own culture on them, which was basically alien to the Bengalis. Some RSS functionaries nurse the feeling, “Until the BJP establishes itself as a true governing force in Bengal, many Hindus will continue to turn to Durga Mata [Mamata Banerjee]. The real problem is that many BJP leaders today mirror Trinamool in both conduct and approach.”

Mamata pursuing soft Hindutva has also unnerved state RSS leadership. She is being perceived as the upholder of the Bengali culture and social relations. Her initiative to construct temple in Digha, Ram Navami holidays, priest allowances, and Durga Puja grants have left no place for saffron ecosystem to exploit the Hindu sentiment in a substantial manner.

Though Sangh has been assiduously striving to transform mythology into movement, and movement into momentum, it has failed to catch the psyche of the common Hindu Bengalees and garner their support. On the contrary, its support base has been on decline. People look at the Sangh and BJP with suspicion. This fear of losing the support and credibility has been primarily at the base of Bhagwat giving the call to people to join his outfit to understand its mode of work and nature “from the inside” and it’s vision of building a strong Hindu unity.

His desperation was clearly manifest in his address to a gathering of 17000 uniformed RSS cadres at the SAI ground in Bardhwan; “I request you to come to the Sangh to understand it from the inside. There are no fees to join here, and no formal membership policy. It is completely up to you whether you choose to come inside (the RSS) or withdraw if your mind says so”. If his appeal reflected the averseness of the Bengalis to identify with the RSS, it also some level underlined aversion of the RSS cadres to reach out to the people. Bhagwat could sense the prevailing mood and which was why he appealed that the RSS cadres from state should intensify activities on the ground within a year. RSS has around 6,000 branches in Bengal. Now, the Bengal unit has decided to increase the number to at least 12,000 this year. RSS will ensure the opening of branches in all villages and all municipality wards in urban areas within a year.

The RSS leaders confide that as the top leadership is dissatisfied with the present set of BJP leaders, they would caution the BJP leadership not to mess the situation further in the state. Though Bhagwat did not mention Bangladesh in his speech, he nevertheless advised the cadres and leaders to keep a close watch on the developments there as “the rise of Hindu oppression” in Bangladesh would help strengthen the RSS in Bengal. Meanwhile the RSS said that it would begin its Bengal outreach from Ram Navami on April 6 with processions in at least 1,000 places.

Bhagwat was quite worried at the decline of the organisation in the state. During his meetings with RSS leaders and local influencers he mainly focused on strengthening the organisation’s framework and ensuring its operational success. The cadres and leaders have been asked to focus on organisational growth, community outreach, and strengthening ties with local stakeholders. Significantly he said; “Everyone has their own specific expertise, Hindus know that all the expertise is the invention of truth and it is one truth. Shrushti ke charachar jagat mein, jad chetan sab mein wohi ek hai jo nahi badalta, jo pehele bhi tha, aaj bhi hai, aur kal bhi rahega, who shashwat hai (In nature’s pastures, in its roots and everything, there one which is unchanging, who was there before, is there today, and will be there tomorrow, that is eternal). Everything else keeps changing”.

Senior RSS functionaries reveal that Bhagwat has stressed aggressively to expand at least two fold of the existing strength. If the sources are to relied at the close door meetings with the senior state leaders, Bhagwat focussed on executing the RSS’s ambitious “mythical eastern India” unification agenda. With the BJP already in power in Anga-linked Bihar and Assam, and Kalinga (Odisha), the primary aim has been to capture Bengal as the final frontier in this civilisational reclaiming. RSS cadres are told that “securing Anga-Kalinga guarantees Banga’s fall”.

Bhagwat specifically concentrating on South Bengal is the part of the strategy to win Banga. Past electoral trends reveal that whichever party had managed to win maximum number of seats in this region, ultimately succeeds in ruling the state. TMC continues to dominate and have its say as it has strong support base in North 24 Parganas and Howrah. Incidentally Bhagwat too opened his tour after holding close door meeting of the RSS and BJP leaders from 24 Parganas. RSS too has managed to enroll large number of its cadres from these two districts. Currently, over 53 organisations affiliated with Sangh operate in the state.

In this centenary year of the RSS, the leadership is propagating five points including environment protection, samajik samarshata (abolition of caste system), stress on sha bhasha, sha utpadan sha sanskriti (own language, production and culture), Parivar prabadhan (re-establishing traditional Hindu family), and nagarik kartavya (civic sense). At present RSS has 70,000 shakhas (branches) but aims to expand further with the mission “to strengthen national unity. (IPA Service)

The article Mohan Bhagwat Extremely Unhappy At BJP’s Present Organisational State In Bengal appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

How far the RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat would succeed in his mission to rejuvenate the saffron ecosystem and rejuvenate the cadres in West Bengal, who have been feeling disconsolate and crestfallen due to the intense factional feud in the state BJP, is not yet clear, but one thing is certain that they have lost hope of defeating Mamata Banerjee at the 2026 assembly election.

His meetings with the RSS functionaries in the South Bengal zone in the course of his present stay in Bengal, was quite significant. The participants virtually appeared to be despondent. Though they assured Bhagwat of accomplishing the task of deep penetration in the rural areas of the districts, which have high potential for BJP, they were quite vocal in criticising the state BJP leaders and putting the blame on them for non-performance of the party in Bengal.

While discussing various aspects of the organisation and its future roadmap in the state, they arraigned the leaders for promoting persons with questionable credentials in the party. They also complained that some leaders are also accused of exploiting women cadres. Some time back one Santanu Sinha had accused the Bengal leaders of keeping their posts by supplying women, though RSS just after his revelation had denied that he was associated with the organisation in any official capacity.

Incidentally the chief of BJP IT cell Amit Malviya had filed a 10 crores defamation suit against him, Sinha nevertheless reiterated: “I have just raised question. We did see such things happen in Bengal earlier. I will stick to my allegations that there are some men in Bengal BJP, who are enjoying posts by supplying women to leaders.”

RSS is determined to launch a rectification programme in the highly politically sensitive districts of the state. Incidentally all these districts have been the strong hold of the Trinamool Congress. Even left parties have large following in the region. The BJP true enough is a nonentity in some of the districts and it cannot depend on RSS for winning the election. However sources maintain that Bhagwat’s interaction with functionaries of the South Bengal zone or Dakshin Banga zone, which includes Purba and Paschim Medinipur, Howrah, Kolkata, and North and South 24 Parganas districts, was quite productive.

He also interacted with his cadres from Madhya Banga zone, covering the districts of Bankura, Purulia, Birbhum, Purba and Paschim Bardhaman, and Nadia. Politically this region has been quite volatile. Though the South Bengal zone has been vulnerable to high degree of violence, the people of Madhya Zone are more politically mature and active. The reason for this has been the zone, adjacent to Asansol, has high level of industrial workers activities and intervention in the politics.

Yet another factor that has proved to be advantageous for the RSS in the zone is it has huge population of non-Bengali labourers, especially migrants from Bihar and eastern UP (Poorvanchal), who are inclined to BJP. The RSS and BJP leaders have been quite active in the region and over the years RSS has built a strong network of cadres. It is predominance of the non-Bengali votes that had forced Mamata Banerjee to field Kirti Azad, cricket legend, as her party’s candidate from nearby Durgapur.

The importance of the zone for RSS could be construed from the simple fact that just after holding meeting of Madhya Bang, Bhagwat would be attending a conference of RSS functionaries at the SAI complex in Bardhaman on February 16. Besides being a region with high density of migrant labourers from Bihar and Poorvanchal, the zone is highly dominated by the SCs and STs hailing from Hindi speaking areas. High level penetration of RSS in this region would help to broaden and strengthen its base in at least two adjacent states, Bihar and Jharkhand.

Well placed sources maintain that at both the meets, Dakhin Zone and Madhya Zone meetings the participants raised the issue of reshuffle of the state unit as well as district units of the party. The participants from Dakhin Zone narrated how some of the senior BJP state leader created mess and profligate the movement initiated by the ABVP student leaders on the issue of rape and murder of the R G Kar medic. The state leaders pushed their own people to lead the movement, which was eventually hijacked by the Left student unions. The BJP leaders were isolated.

Bhagwat on Saturday met the parents of the deceased doctor. Though the parents of the medic had requested a visit from him, Bhagwat was also keen to meet them. The parents met him at a guest house in Rajarhat where he was staying. Bhagwat during his earlier visit to the state had supported the stand of the parents of the medic, this was for the first time he met them. An RSS functionary said that Bhagwat was shocked by the revelation of the brutalities inflicted on the victim by her parents and expressed his solidarity with them.

Bhagwat also promised to stand by the family as it was “the need of the hour at the present”, he instructed the state RSS leaders to extend complete help and support to them to continue to fight for justice. Father of the medic revealed “Not just one, but the DNA report shows the presence of four boys and one girl. We will feel some relief when the accused are punished.”

After a brief lull the junior doctors are working to revive the movement. But they are not sure how far they would succeed in their mission. Coinciding with Saraswati Puja, they had taken out a rally too. Since the situation is still ripe for relaunching the movement seeking justice, some senior RSS leaders have been asked to work out fresh modalities. (IPA Service)

The article RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat Having Continuous Meetings In Kolkata To Energize Bengal BJP appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat visiting Bengal for ten days is certainly not such a big news to draw attention. But his stay this time attains importance for the reason that he would discuss the state of the BJP and RSS in the state and give direction to the RSS workers to take up full responsibility for campaigning in 2026 assembly polls in the state. Apart, the RSS chief will also discuss with his senior RSS colleagues the functioning of the Narendra Modi government and the choice of the candidate for BJP president.

Bhagwat has been a regular visitor to West Bengal, but his proposed ten day visit has evoked keen interest in the political circles. His visit which commences on February 7, is being watched with caution and curiosity. He will be in the state till February 17. This is the longest stay of Bhagwat in the state. And precisely this has given rise to many speculations especially in the saffron circles. Bhagwat would be meeting the RSS’s nine-member top decision making body in Kolkata on February 8. These members are general secretaries and main officials. In a normal situation these leaders would have met in Nagpur or Delhi. But Bhagwat has chosen Kolkata.

Modi’s reluctance to accept RSS’s nominee as the party’s new president to replace J P Nadda, has been primarily the main concern. The manner in which Modi and Shah are trying to gain majority in Lok Sabha by splitting Sharad Pawar’s NCP and Nitish Kumar’s JD(U) has caused enormous consternation in the RSS. The RSS leaders nurse the impression that Modi is unwilling to make way for new leader to head government, he also likes Nadda to continue as the BJP president. Name of the new BJP president ought to have been finalised by December 31, but it is yet to be decided. Nadda continues to be the party chief but even his extension has so far not been announced officially.

Though the primary focus of the meet would be to chalk out the electoral strategy for the 2026 West Bengal assembly election, the sources maintain that the top leaders would adopt the resolution for continuance of Bhagwat as the RSS Bhagwat will be 75 on September 11 this year while Narendra Modi will also touch 75 on September 17 this year. Some BJP leaders close to Modi had been indulging in whisper campaign that since RSS leadership is for Modi quitting the office of prime minister as he would attain 75 years of age, Bhagwat should also quit as he too would be completing 75 years of age in September this year.

Nevertheless RSS sources outright reject this. They maintain that the 75 year criteria was finalised by the BJP leaders which was held at the initiative of Modi, who had undertaken the exercise simply for clearing the party of his potential enemies and adversaries. This principle is not at all applicable to RSS. It is said that BJP leaders close to Modi were raising this issue simply for creating confusion in the saffron camp. They also hold that any such move would simply jeopardise the relationship between RSS and BJP..

The sources maintain that Arvind Kejriwal’s recent letter to Bhagwat had provided the opportunity to discuss this issue. Kejriwal in his letter to Bhagwat sought to know “all of you together made a law that BJP leaders will retire after the age of 75 years. This law was widely publicised and under this, many veteran leaders like Lal Krishna Advani and Murli Manohar Joshi. Now Amit Shah says that this law will not apply to PM Modi. Do you agree that the law under which LK Advani was retired will not apply to Narendra Modi? Shouldn’t the law be the same for everyone?”

During his stay in Kolkata he would be meeting important state leaders and dignitaries on February 9. On February 10, he would shift to Bardhaman and for next six days important discourses will be taking place to decide the electoral strategy for the 2026 state election. I The meeting would also lay down its strategy for strengthening the party and bringing in new faces in the party.

Bardhaman is going to be main operational ground. There Bhagwat would be separately meeting the functionaries from ten districts. At least two issues which would receive attention are role of the state BJP leaders and the impact on the miseries and plight of the Hindus in Bangladesh. Bhagwat had personally appealed to Modi government and also to the international fraternity to ensure the safety of the Hindus there.

In a significant development, the state RSS unit has started targeting the state BJP leadership. An article in ‘Swastika’ mouth piece of state RSS, blamed weak organisation and poor people’s connect as reasons for failure of the party to catch the imagination of the people and strengthen its support base. The article mentioned that the people of Bengal voted for the TMC out of fear, and not organically as was being perceived. The article argues that people didn’t wish to provoke the ruling dispensation until the 2026 assembly election.

The RSS leadership nurses the view that the state BJP leaders are more interested in their personal gains. They sought to know why the BJP leadership has failed to complete the membership target at least in two states Bengal and Bihar, which are crucial for the expansion of the BJP.

State units of both these states are run by the protégés of Modi and Amit Shah. They have failed to motivate the state leaders, on the contrary these leaders are busy in factional feuds. Bengal is the worst case. The party is vertically split in two groups’; one of loyalists and another of turn coats. The leader of turn coats Subhendu Adhikari is more interested in building his own image and emerge as alternate to TMC chief Mamata Banerjee. He is close to Amit Shah which is not liked by the state RSS leaders.

The RSS leadership is also concerned of these two states units not having leader who can match Nitish Kumar and Mamata Banerjee. The RSS leaders hold that it is due to this the BJP had to tolerate Nitish. It feels that Modi and Amit Shah should take lessons from Nitish and Mamata and try to find news faces which can emerge as their alternatives. RSS leaders feel that Modi and Shah are not taking proper care to strengthen the party in these two states. In Bengal Shah had claimed that the party would enroll one crore members by October 2024, but till January 5, 2025 it could enroll only 40 lakh.

Even as the membership campaign exposed the infighting and organisational weaknesses of the BJP in West Bengal, the RSS has conveyed its displeasure over the failure of leadership. The RSS leaders are quite angry on the failure of the state BJP leadership to maintain a close connect with the state RSS unit. The BJP has even failed to check the desertion of a section of the members in the suburban areas of Kolkata to TMC in the recent days. (IPA Service)

The article RSS To Take Full Charge Of 2026 Assembly Elections In West Bengal appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

Nobody except Narendra Modi knows Narendra Modi well, better than others. Leaders of almost all the political parties, even his BJP colleagues, are mythically in a state of confusion whether Modi would renounce Nitish Kumar and impose president’s rule in Bihar or Nitish would emerge on the political scenario as his conscience keeper.

For a week rumours are afloat in the political circles in Patna and New Delhi that daggers are out and both Modi and Nitish are impatiently waiting for the right opportunity to strike. Future of Nitish the politician who ruled Bihar for last 20 years is the topic of discussion in the political circle and even dominates the living rooms of the elites and middle class of Bihar. Arrival of Arif Mohammed Khan as the successor of the earlier governor Rajendra Arlekar has simply added more substance to the gossip. Khan is the troubleshooter of Modi. People recall how he had made the life of Kerala chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan miserable. He has already started meeting people and politicians. This has simply added to the conjecture that Nitish was on way out.

Significance of this postulation gains importance in the backdrop of Amit Shah’s non-conformist comments against Nitish. Only a week back Modi’s lieutenant Amit Shah had ruled out the possibility of Nitish Kumar leading the NDA during the 2025 assembly polls.. His protégé Bihar’s deputy CM and senior BJP leader Vijay Kumar Sinha through his reflection had simply added importance to Amit Shah’s remarks. On Wednesday Sinha said; “a BJP government on its own will be a befitting tribute to former prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee. BJP workers have liberated Bihar from jungle raj. But the mission is still not accomplished. Only when BJP has its own government in Bihar, we will be able to pay true tribute to Atal Bihari Vajpayee. The yearning inside the hearts of the party workers will be pacified. Even today people of jungle raj are spoiling the social harmony of Bihar. Even today Bihar is suffering from their influence”.

Obviously his observation underlines demeaning Nitish’s leadership quality and also blaming him for not completely abolishing the remnants of Jungle Raj as it still continues to have its presence and impact on the political scenario. The social circle and political establishment of Bihar know the intensity and implication of it. This is a tactical machination of the state BJP to project Nitish as irrelevant and useless and usurp his social and political base.

A leaderless Bihar BJP nevertheless is not in the position to take any sudden stand against Nitish, though some upper caste leaders are not willing to sail together. They are sceptical of losing the upper caste support to the party. They also fear that a significant portion of the OBC population, Lori-Kurmi, may shift their loyalty either to Lalu Yadav or to the Congress. Congress has been traditionally favoured political party for the upper castes of Bihar. But the rise of Lalu Yadav on the political scenario and his hate campaign forced them to opt for BJP. Their support for BJP is fashioned by compulsion of survival. Upper caste people are yet to forget how the supporters of RJD evicted them from their ancestral lands and homes and forcefully captured their properties.

Already political sources are pulsating of the information that Nitish had a long telecom conversation with Chandra Babu Naidu. It is said that both Naidu and Nitish share the feeling that Amit Shah has been using his powers and resources to goad them and make them listen to his dictates. They also resent Amit Shah’s manoeuvrings to downsize the regional parties and repeat the Maharashtra experiment in their states. In Bihar Amit Shah has succeeded to a great extent in his mission to create a group of JD(U) MPs led by Sanjay Jha and Lalan Singh loyal to him.

Nevertheless the Gujarati duo are sceptical of Nitish’s move. They nurse the lingering fear that faced with the threat to his political survival, Nitish can go to any extent to turn the crisis into advantage. Sources also maintain that Nitish and Lalu Yadav are also in touch with leaders of smaller parties like LJP and HAM. Modi is in a very precarious situation. He can neither swallow or keep in Nitish. Meanwhile Modi is learnt to have instructed his Bihar leaders not to come out with any public statement in the case of Nitish. Amit Shah has also been advised to maintain restraint for some time.

Significantly Dilip Jaiswal, state minister and Bihar BJP chief holds; “We should understand that Amit Shah was trying to underscore that he was a ‘karyakarta’ (worker) of a party in which big decisions are taken by the parliamentary board. Party has already endorsed the leadership role of Chief Minister Nitish Kumar. There is no question of going back on that.” Certainly this is an attempt to water down the crisis, this also underscores the confusion that grips the party. Jaiswal’s sentiments were echoed by Raju Tiwari, state president of the LJP, who said, “There is no doubt that the NDA will contest the upcoming assembly polls under Nitish Kumar’s leadership”.

The way the political developments are rolling in Bihar, it is certain Nitish is not preparing for his political exit. Lalu’s offer to Nitish simply endorses the common perception that Nitish is still left with time in his side. Already some INDIA bloc leaders have discussed the issue of using his political skill at the national level. It is said that Congress is not averse, but it would have to be endorsed by TDP leader Chandra Babu Naidu and other leaders. Often major political developments and decisions are taken after Makar Sankranti. Though the opposition leaders are in a mood to wait till January 14, the Makar Sankranti day, they are quite sceptical of Modi’s move. They are not sure of his steps. Obviously the opposition leaders are not willing to give extra time advantage to Modi and are contemplating to strike at the earliest.

Tejashvi Yadav who was earlier opposed to accepting Nitish Kumar, is learnt to have relented and agreed to work with him. If Nitish is haunted by the spectre of coup, the RJD and other INDIA leaders are concerned of BJP coming to power through imposing president’s rule. Reports emanating from Patna suggest of the possibility of Nitish reconsidering his allegiance. His dissatisfaction with the BJP, especially his disenchantment with Amit Shah has sparked rumours of his move to revive Mahagathbandhan. Both the camps are also suffering with the fear of their MLAs crossing over to other side.

It is said that the onus is now on Nitish. INDIA bloc would not prefer to allow the situation slip out of its hands. In the house MGB has 103 MLAs and needs 20 more to form its government. RJD has 72, Congress 17, CPI(ML) 11, CPI 2 CPI(M) 2 and other opposition 1, besides one member of AIMIM. The dithering approach of Modi and Amit has also unnerved a major section of the BJP legislators belonging to backward castes. The backwards nurse antagonistic relation with the upper castes and obviously they may not vote an upper caste leader leading NDA.

Recently some of them met in Patna and reviewed the prevailing political scenario. Most of them are in favour of switching loyalty to RJD. They are however waiting for the final word from Modi on who will be public face of the NDA during the 2025 election. Delhi BJP unit refusing to allocate seats to JD(U) for the assembly election is being cited as the sign of the BJP leadership attitude towards Nitish. Things are moving fast ad the political turmoil in Bihar politics is likely to be more intensive in the coming days. (IPA Service)

The article Did Nitish Kumar Talk To Chandrababu Naidu About Joint Move Against BJP? appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

Muslims have no right to vote: this is the message that was sent by the state machinery and police to the country on November 20, while the elections to the assembly were underway in Maharashtra and Jharkhand and nine by-elections were held in Uttar Pradesh. Nevertheless, Muslim women in UP deserve salute who undeterred of threat of firing by a police official, who publicly aimed his revolver at them asking not to move forward, pushed their way to the polling booth.

Reports emanating from the constituencies where by polls were held on Wednesday portray a horrible picture of the UP police. It has been completely saffronised under the rule of Yogi Adityanath. Under a saffronised police administration, it is beyond imagination that people could dare to exercise their constitutional right and elect the representative of their own choice.

In every constituency, if the local people are to be believed, and obviously there is no reason not to trust them, the police on duty outraged the directives of the Election Commission. Only a day ahead of the poll, the Commission had sent a letter to the state administration, police commissioners and senior police officers that police personnel on duty must not ask the voter to show his ID card to him. The task was to be done by the presiding officers.

But in utter contempt they forced the voters to show their card and if any one resisted, he was forced to go back and was not allowed to vote. Shockingly the police even asked for the bio data and Aadhaar card. Obviously their actions made it explicitly clear that they were carrying out the order which has come to them from above.

The mode of campaigning by Narendra Modi and Amit Shah makes it explicit that the saffron ecosystem, including RSS was desperate to win the elections. It was a matter of do or die for them. More than defeating the opposition, winning the election has become more crucial for the two warring saffron factions, one led by Modi and other by Mohan Bhagwat. Though they have been engaged in fiercest fight for retaining their supremacy inside the saffron ecosystem, a defeat for the BJP will have disastrous bearing on survival.

Appointment of the national president of BJP is still hanging in the air. The factional feud is so acute that the leadership is least bothered of the erosion of the prestige and image of the party. After initial hiccups ,the saffron leaders, RSS and BJP, kept their eyes focused on the outcome of the assembly elections to Maharashtra, Jharkhand and by polls in UP. Top RSS leaders, including the number two in the organisation, held a number of meetings with the leaders of RSS and BJP from UP. The message was also sent that Yogi would be face of the party in the election and design the electoral strategy. Obviously Yogi had to ensure that state delivers the result and party wins all the nine by elections.

In Maharashtra and Jharkhand, the RSS, only a week back, sent the message to its rank and file to join the royal battle. In both the states it was not willing to allow Modi and Shah to dictate the strategy and course of campaigning. The RSS state leaders had made it clear that they were not satisfied with the manner Modi was campaigning. Naturally with both the factions determined to ensure win of their respective candidates, there remains little doubt that opposition will be on receiving end.

One thing is quite sure that a loss for BJP will witness RSS losing the fight to have its own man as the new president of the BJP. At present a number of names are floating; Vinod Tawde, Sunil Bansal, Shivraj Singh Chouhan, Manohar Lal Khattar, Devendra Fadnavis, Vasundhara Raje, and even Sanjay Joshi who is known to be Modi’s bête noire. Final decision awaits a victory for the party. The verdict will also decide the future caste strategy of the party. Whether it should encourage OBC or settle for a general caste. There are many things at stake for the RSS and BJP.

The leadership of RSS and BJP are aware of their weaknesses. Leaders of both the factions know that Modi’s style of functioning and recent bickering have eroded the base of the party and even a major chunk of cadres have been keeping away. In fact RSS making its intentions to jump into the election fray was primarily aimed at motivating the cadres and energising them to come out of slumber. In Maharashtra while the BJP does not find it in a strong situation, the condition of its two constituents is deplorable. Shiv Sena (Shinde) and NCP (Ajit Pawar) have no credibility. People look at them with contempt as the parties of defectors. These two do not have popular support at the grass root level.

On the contrary the Shiv Sena (Thackeray) and NCP (Sharad) have got popular support. The INDIA parties, Congress Party, NCP (Sharad) and Shiv Sena (Thackeray) have strong grass root network. It is this fear of losing the election that made the NDA jittery and eventually to depend on the state machinery. Apparently Mahayuti alliance and the Maha Vikas Aghadi are locked in a tight contest and it is the support of the state machinery that would prove to be decisive. Already election saw candidates’ vehicles being attacked, polling booths being vandalised, political workers attacking each other and death threats being openly levelled against rival candidates. (IPA Service)

The article Outcome Of Two Assembly And UP Bypolls Will Have Impact On Choice Of Next BJP President appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Kumar Shrivastav

In quick-paced developments, Myanmar’s ruling junta has invited the armed rebel groups to stop fighting and participate in political talks. “We invite ethnic armed groups, terrorist insurgent groups, and terrorist PDF groups which are fighting against the state to give up terrorist fighting and communicate with us to solve political problems politically,” the junta said in a statement.

This closely follows news reports that India’s government-funded think tank, India Council of World Affairs (ICWA), has invited representatives from NUG, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the Arakan Army, and the Chin National Front to the seminar.

Meanwhile, China, which has long influenced Myanmar’s ethnic armed groups, is pressuring the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, or MNDAA to avoid aligning with other opposition forces that China perceives as Western-backed, experts say. MNDAA is part of the Three Brotherhood Alliance that includes the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and the Arakan Army (AA). The MNDAA, also known as the Kokang ethnic armed group, whose members are Mandarin-speaking Han Chinese native to Kokang, reposted a statement on social media confirming their alliance with China.

“Our political red line is not to form alliances or work together with those who are against China,” read the statement, which was briefly posted on September 4 and reposted on September 19.

Beijing’s pressure on the MNDAA, a strategically located ethnic armed group in Myanmar, reflects its desire to maintain control over the country’s political landscape. The MNDAA, situated on Myanmar’s northeastern border with China, is being pressured to cut ties with opposition forces that Beijing perceives as having U.S. support.

Once a symbol of economic cooperation, the border between China and Myanmar has become more restrictive due to Myanmar’s ongoing civil war and China’s pandemic response. The once-porous border has been fortified with fences and surveillance, reflecting a deteriorating relationship.

While China has invested heavily in Myanmar for a trade corridor, the conflict has disrupted these plans. Beijing has attempted to mediate the conflict but has faced challenges. The civil war has also impacted the once-thriving economic zones along the border. Despite the tensions, some locals continue to maintain informal connections across the border.

A recent Reuters report has said that India has invited Myanmar rebels who are fighting the military government and the parallel National Unity Government (NUG) representatives for a seminar in mid-November in India. This is the first time that India would formally engage with the Myanmar rebels who are popularly called ‘the resistance’. Since the February 2021 coup, the situation in Myanmar has spiralled out of control, with rebels controlling over 60% of the territory including most of the border states.

In recent months, the intense fighting between rebels and the military has had a spillover effect in India’s bordering states, with an influx of refugees many of whom come with weapons and ammunition. India fears it can destabilize its 1650-km long border with Myanmar and several of its infrastructure projects involving the two countries.

In view of this, the government-funded think tank, India Council of World Affairs (ICWA), has reportedly invited representatives from NUG, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the Arakan Army, and the Chin National Front to the seminar. However, except the Chin National Front, none of those invited including the Myanmar military have offered any comments on it. Even the Indian government and ICWA have offered no official comments.

“We are going to send representatives,” Sui Khar, vice chairman of one the ethnic rebel groups, the Chin National Front, said. “This will be the first time, I think, formally, that India will engage with the non-state actors. This is a good, positive approach,” he added.

India has maintained a relationship with the Myanmar junta rules through official visits and continuing with some arms deals that were formalized before the coup. It has avoided voicing concerns about the growing conflict and the resultant humanitarian crisis in the Southeast Asian nation. However, in June this year, Foreign Minister S Jaishankar expressed concern about border instability and security risks to India’s projects in Myanmar.

India is actively developing the $400 million Kaladan port and highway project in western Myanmar, while also investing around $250 million in a separate road project that will connect its landlocked northeastern states with Thailand through Myanmar.

India’s initiative to bring rebels to a dialogue comes amid similar initiatives by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which Myanmar never took seriously. Prominent leaders from ASEAN member countries made several visits to Myanmar to end the impasse but to no avail. Recently, Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi made a surprise visit to Myanmar capital Naypyidaw amid reports that Myanmar military rulers are expressing resentment over China’s dual policy of helping the rebels and keeping a working relationship with the military government. (IPA Service)

The article In A Sudden Turn, Myanmar Junta Invites Armed Rebels To Political Talks appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

The election for Jharkhand state assembly scheduled to be held in December this year is going to big challenge for the RSS, especially its chief Mohan Bhagwat. A win for BJP would help refurbish the image of Narendra Modi and boost his bargaining power, which he desperately needs to raise his declining status. And a loss for BJP would simply further erode the support of the RSS. Prominent tribal faces associated with RSS for decades have already started shifting away and rallying behind either Congress or JMM leader Hemant Soren. The RSS leadership is now determined to prevent the erosion of support base amongst the tribals.

BJP win will send a message down to the RSS Swayamsevaks and BJP cadres that the real boss of the saffron ecosystem is Modi. The BJP leaders will further start distancing themselves from the RSS Swayamsevaks and Pracharaks. The RSS leaders while participating at the July 12 meeting of senior RSS leaders and state campaigners held in Jharkhand, had complained to their top leader that the BJP leaders were more interested in catering to the needs of corporate houses at the cost of the basic benefit to the poor adivasis.

They point out that the Raghubar Das-led BJP government had tried to abolish the Chota Nagpur Tenancy Act 1908 (CNT) and Santhal Pargana Tenancy Act 1876 (SPT), that guaranteed for the Adivasis rights to their land and forests. The move has to be curtailed in the face of massive protests from the tribals. BJP even tried to create a Land-Bank only for serving the vested interest of the big business and corporate houses. For an Adivasi, land is his mother and the BJP had planned to take this land which they use for cattle herding, worship, village fairs and festivals.

Special importance which this election has attained for Modi could be understood from the simple fact that Modi-Shah duo had appointed Assam chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma who in recent times, with his vitriolic abuses against Muslims, has emerged as the most aggressive Hindutva face, as the in charge of electioneering process, from selecting the candidates to finalising the strategy of campaigning. A turncoat, who barely three years back was a Congress leader, has projected himself as the ultra-nationalist and ultra-Hindu face in BJP. Though he owes his personal loyalty to Shah, the RSS is also not against him as his communal provocative rhetorics are simply furthering its cause.

At the Ranchi meet and also at Kerala conclave, though the RSS leadership had conveyed its stand in clear words to Modi and Shah that candidates for the four state elections would be chosen in consultation with the Sangh, Shah is going ahead. With his own plans through Himanta. While BJP has already planned to hold a massive exercise to seek opinions from its panchayat-level workers about possible candidates in each of the 81 assembly segments, Shah along with newly inducted, former CM, Champai Soren, would formally launch the election campaign on September 10.His campaign areas include East Singhbhum, West Singhbhum, and Saraikela-Kharsawan covering 14 Assembly seats. In the 2019 Assembly elections, the JMM won 11 seats. Instead of relying on the RSS network in the state, Modi-Shah combine had also decided to hire an independent agency to seek opinion from the people.

For avoiding any kind of direct conflict with the RSS leadership, Modi and Shah are giving credence and space to the block level RSS cadres, but their role is yet to be defined. Meanwhile realising the importance of this election, the RSS is also busy reaching out to the lower level cadres. The RSS sources nevertheless confide that the RSS leaders may not fully agree to the BJP list. Since large sections of the RSS cadres had stayed away from election work during the recent Lok Sabha election, the BJP wants to cultivate the RSS leadership, but it would pressure its stand to have its list approved by the RSS.

Already having lost its ground in Jharkhand, the RSS is no more willing to face further thrashing. Though during last two years, Sangh has lost ground with emergence of Hemant Soren as the militant face of the Adivasi identity, in order to allay any such impression at the ground level amongst its rank and file, the leadership claims that number of its cadres have doubled during last five years. In 2023 nearly 838 branches were established in 540 places in tribal dominated Jharkhand. Sangh workers organized 523 weekly meetings in Jharkhand. This is almost one and a half times more than the figures of 2018 when 676 branches of the Sangh were established in 415 locations, while only 234 weekly meeting programs were being organized at that time. The Sangh is planning to set branches in every colony and ward of Jharkhand during 2025, the centenary year of the organisation.

But the issues of dignity and rights on which Hemant has been consistently harping have made their impact on the minds of Adivasis. They nurse the view that Hemant has been crusader of their rights and preserving their identity. Hemant’s move to have the ‘Jharkhand definition of local persons and for extending the consequential, social, cultural, and other benefits to such local persons Bill, 2022’, also known as the 1932 Khatiyan Bill passed by the state assembly went a long way in identifying him as the protector of Adivasi interest and aspiration. Many Adivasis who had gone over to the BJP, returned. Hemant moving the bill even while Enforcement Directorate has been conspiring to implicate him in the mining case, simply boosted his image amongst the Adivasis.

RSS is finding it tough to erase the impression from the minds of Adivasis that Soren was being harassed and even arrested “only because he is an Adivasi”. Modi’s protégé Raghubar Das, as the chief minister, had made the assembly to pass the anti-conversion bill which divided the Adivasi community.

Nevertheless RSS has started preparing for the electoral battle. But the state level swayamsevaks and pracharaks are not sure of a success. They strongly hold that Modi-Shah duo must change their approach and tactics. The current war of supremacy between RSS and BJP has simply added to the woes of Sangh as well as to BJP. In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP has faced a crushing defeat in the tribal areas of Jharkhand. BJP has lost all the 5 seats reserved for tribals. Even Union Minister Arjun Munda could not save his seat”. The mood of the tribals still continues to be hostile towards Saffron brigade. They also nurse that intensification of communal and divisive politics by bringing in Sarma from Assam will only damage saffron interest.

Some sources in Jharkhand RSS believe that Modi-Shah combo pursuing this nature of politics would inflict more damage to electoral prospect of saffrons. Instead they must adopt a docile approach and leave the electioneering to the RSS. They point out that the arrest of Hemant has damaged more. In this backdrop even the RSS cadres are sceptical of the gains from the July Namkum meet. A debate is going on in RSS circle whether the strategy adopted at Namkum will help BJP to return to power? Jharkhand is home to about 26 percent of the tribal community. Though Adivasis have turned BJP, the Sangh has a long association with them and it has helping them for a long time. The RSS leaders are saying that given the freedom by the Delhi leaders of BJP, they would succeed in assuaging their feelings of the angry tribals and bring them back to the RSS fold. (IPA Service)

The article RSS Wants Major Role In Selecting BJP Candidates For Jharkhand Assembly Polls appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Kumar Shrivastav

The US Presidential election is scheduled for 5 November 2024 while the Canadian elections to elect a new Prime Minister is expected to take place in October 2025. After Kamala Harris became Democratic Party nominee for the President in the upcoming election, Republican Party’s Donald Trump, who was seen as a clear favourite for the top post until that moment Joe Biden backed out and favoured his vice-president for the race, is slowing losing the edge. The competition now seems equal for both Kamala Harris and Donald Trump.

Incidentally, 78-year-old Donald Trump survived an assassination bid on July 13 in which he was nearly shot in the head. One of the world leaders who called up Trump and enquired after him was 52-year-old Canadian Prime Minister Justine Trudeau. As the Presidential race becomes intense with Kamala Harris entering the fray, Trump has made some bizarre statements to divert attention away from the US.

Talking to a Kick streamer, Trump claimed that Trudeau could be late Cuban President Fidel Castro’s son. He says Trudeau’s hair and face resemble those of Castro. This brings the attention to Justin Trudeau’s 75-year-old mom Margaret Trudeau. On July 5, Mick Jagger, 80, of the Rolling Stones band recalled Justine Trudeau’s mother in his presence at the Vancouver concert. “We love you Mr Trudeau,” Jagger said from the state and the crowd booed. “I mean his family has always been such big fans of our band,” Jagger added.

Many at the concert and outside believed he was joking about the rumours that Margaret Trudeau slept with Jagger during those heady days of 70s when Margaret was referred to by tabloids as the “wild child first lady.” For Trudeau this must have been an amusing moment when he finds her mother took the spotlight for a life spent partying, using dopes, and intimate moments with musicians, including Rolling Stones band members.

As this scandalous past of Justine Trudeau’s mom gave the tabloids another opportunity to visit her life, UK’s Daily Mail published a new comprehensive article only a few days ago about Margaret Trudeau’s passion-filled life some 50 years ago. This shifts the attention away from Justine Trudeau who, too, is facing a scrutiny by the voters ahead of the elections. What makes Trump stand out as a scandal-monger and establishes him as the ultimate guru of this art and science is his 2021 remarks about Margaret Trudeau.

A former White House Press Secretary Stephanie Grisham in her memoir “What I Saw at the Trump White House”, claimed that “Trudeau’s mom. She f—ed all of the Rolling Stones.” A lot of people always liked to believe throughout the past 50 years what Trump said. In media interviews, Margaret denied having affairs with any Rolling Stones band members. However, she talked about this incident at a mental health conference and joked, “I should have slept with every single one of them.”

When Justine Trudeau contested elections in 2015, Margaret Trudeau did not take part in the preparations and campaigns as the Press was targeting Justine Trudeau’s young age and perceived lack of maturity as someone “just not ready”. Now when Justine Trudeau is facing a tough election ahead, her mom’s aura and presence is not only unmistakable but also pregnant with some meaning. Should we expect a repeat of Kamala Harris in Canada?

Margaret and Pierre Trudeau married when they were 22 and 52 respectively. Justine Trudeau was born nine months after the marriage. The couple separated in 1977 and formally divorced in 1984. The tabloids said Margaret skipped the sixth anniversary to party with the Rolling Stones after their concert in Toronto.

In a 2016 interview, Margaret talking about hanging out with the Rolling Stones. “We played dice until about five in the morning, in my hotel suite. Smoked some dope, talked. It was a good night, and it was my new world. But no one knew I was separated from my husband yet, and it brought a huge scandal.” Similarly, Jagger told an interviewer that it was “embarrassing” that people thought they had hooked up, saying the story had been “blown up”.

While Trump takes pot shots at Justine Trudeau, he misses no opportunity to emphasize, “Justine Trudeau and I got along very well.” Trump say Justine Trudeau is too liberal and generous, bordering on communism that Trump say he is not. (IPA Service)

The article Trump’s Scandalous Jabs Drag Trudeau’s Mom Into Canada’s Election appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

The RSS leadership has imparted a new dimension to its protracted battle against Prime Minister Narendra Modi by extending support to caste census at the three day conclave of RSS organisations that ended in Kerala on September 2. With deepening existential crisis and unable to find a viable political device to combat the Congress and its leader Rahul Gandhi, the RSS leadership has laid the risky trap, of supporting the demand for caste census, to force belligerent Prime Minister to toe its line.

An insight into the decision to support opposition demand would make it explicit that as RSS has run short of creative ideas, it is using caste census as victim card. The leadership took this decision on concluding day of the conclave at the insistence of the participants. Through this reflection, RSS leadership also wanted to convey that Modi does not grasp the mood of the nation.

RSS which has been feeling jettisoned by Modi during these years, used the issue to make him further bend. After coming to power Modi has adopted a comparatively pliant attitude towards RSS and for pleasing the leaders he has lifted ban on government employees joining RSS and also inducted RSS ideologue Ram Madhav in BJP and entrusted him with the task of monitoring the electoral strategy in the significant state of Jammu and Kashmir. Supporting caste census is a calculated move to extract more from him.

Quite noticeable, the nature of the support has been evasive and non-conformist. In a way it could also be attributed to as escapist; RSS does not intend to face the issue head on. RSS cautioned the opposition leaders of not politicising the caste census, but its language of support was loaded with politics. For supporting it RSS resorted to oft used maxim of “danger” to “unity and integrity in society” because of “politicking” over caste-based census. It was a strategic move to convey the message to its support base, primarily consisting of rural rich and feudal lords, that RSS was not for caste census, but for the sake of Sangh Parivar, it was supporting it.

The phrase of the resolution was quite cryptic. It said; “We are all for use of the (caste) count for welfare activities. For special attention to certain groups that are lagging, sometimes the government needs the numbers and we have no problem with it. But it should be for welfare only”. Politically there is huge difference between count and census. It is not only the numerical strength of a particular caste that is of importance. But census aims at inclusive evaluation, creation of human resources and its utility.

RSS leadership claims that it is for empowerment of the Dalits, EBC and poor, in reality it intends to use them as the appendage of the ruling elite; rich and feudal lords. The remark made while supporting the “caste count” appeared to be entangled in ”ifs and buts”. It lacked clarity. The position articulated by the RSS leader underlined the bind the saffron ecosystem finds itself in for not being able to firmly oppose the pitch for a caste census because of political compulsions. RSS offering conditional support is really perilous in nature. The RSS said it welcomed “any affirmative action that is scientific and not conducted for electoral benefits alone… (but) to address disparity (in a Hindu society)”.

In contrast the Congress demand has more clarity. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi said: “The Caste Census is about building a policy framework that will deliver social justice. The Constitution promises justice and equality for every Indian. Yet, the harsh reality today is that over 90 per cent of our population is excluded from growth and opportunity. The 90 per cent Bahujans — Dalits, Adivasis, OBCs, minorities, and also the general caste poor — are skilled and hardworking. Excluding them from opportunities is like shutting down 9 cylinders of a 10-cylinder engine — we simply won’t get very far as a nation. caste census will do more than just count the population.”

Rahul said; “Like an X-ray it will reveal who has access to wealth and assets, identify the most marginalised communities, and highlight the families lacking basic needs and opportunities. It will show us who is and isn’t represented in our nation’s institutions — whether in government, business, media, or judiciary. The data from this census will be crucial in designing policies to address long-standing issues. For example, the arbitrary 50 per cent cap on reservations will be revised so that representation in government and education is fair for all communities.”

It is a known fact that every government action has political implication. It is the political compulsion that induces the ruling party to frame its policies and programmes. Undeniably while Modi and BJP have been using it for political gains, to keep intact the upper caste Hindu votes, the Congress would use it to win over the dalit, EBC and OBC votes.

RSS has never changed its stand on caste. Obviously one ought to look at the larger ideological framework that guides the RSS’s thinking on issues such as the ‘caste census’ and ‘reservation’ to understand its position. Notwithstanding demand from the participants, it was the element of electoral defeat, shifting of the dalit and EBC support base, that made the RSS to review its stand.

It is a known fact more than the BJP it is the survival of RSS that is at stake in case the BJP loses state power. RSS has gained enormously during the ten-year rule of Modi. It has even expanded globally and brought a number of government social and educational institutions under its grip. During these years it has given rise to a battalion of saffron intellectuals and academics to promote the rightist forces and ideology.

Though RSS claimed that it was not against reservation, the people are yet to forget RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat strongly arguing at a meet in 2015 for doing away with reservation. This backfired and the BJP lost the 2015 Bihar assembly election, where reservation has been a political necessity more than being an emotive issue.

Chief of the Congress communication cell Jairam Ramesh has rightly said; “Now that the RSS has given the green signal, will the non-biological Prime Minister hijack another guarantee of the Congress and conduct a caste census?” He further questioned whether the Sangh has “veto power” on the matter.” Calling the RSS’ stance as “didactic or preachy”, Ramesh asked: “What does the RSS mean when it says caste census should not be misused for election campaigning? Is it to be a judge or an umpire?”

RSS supported the caste census, but it has not repudiated its revolting propaganda against it of aggravating the caste tension and political problem. It was also argued that launching of caste census would delay other development works. It is a known fact that RSS never speaks truth and its motive has been to create confusion. Though the issue has gathered around 70 per cent national consensus, the RSS is still busy feeding conflicting assessments about the caste census.

The RSS articulation of the caste census – as a welfare move –virtually puts the onus on Modi to find a middle ground, to appease the diverse communities within the Hindu fold. Ever since the INDIA bloc demanded a caste census, the BJP leadership had taken to talk of welfare of the four ‘castes’, namely, women, the poor, farmers, and youth. Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge was right in saying; “Is the Sangh Parivar, which is in favour of Manusmriti instead of the Constitution of the country, worried about the participation of Dalits, tribals, backward classes and poor-deprived society?” (IPA Service)

The article RSS Leadership Shifts Its Battle Against Narendra Modi To Caste Census Turf appeared first on Arabian Post.

 By Arun Srivastava

It  is  the story of  two rapes,  one in  Kolkata and  another in Muzaffarpur – the  first  one a middle class   doctor and the  second one  a Dalit  girl. Both incidents took  place took  place within  a  gap  of two  days.. While   in  case  of  one,  following  massive   protests   across the country, the Supreme Court has taken suo motu cognisance of the rape and murder of a doctor which took place in the night of August 9, at Kolkata’s RG Kar Hospital.,  in the  case  of   the  other gangrape of  a Dalit girl, nobody  is  mentioning  it  as  if gangrape  of a  Dalit  is   nothing   to  be  of big concern.

On August 15, two Supreme Court lawyers, Ujjawal Gaur and Rohit Pandey, addressed a letter to Chief Justice of India DY Chandrachud, urging him to take suo motu cognizance of the horrific incident.

The lawyers argued: “The nation looks to the judiciary as the ultimate guardian of justice, the last refuge for those whose cries have been silenced by brutality. Her death must not be in vain; it must galvanise us to act, to ensure that no other woman suffers such a fate”. CJI  DY Chandrachud will hear the case on August 20.

But the apex court did not act suo motu in the case, more horrific and gruesome than R G Kar, that took place on August 11 in Muzaffarpur of Bihar. In doctor’s case the perpetrators of crime are presumably unknown faces. But in Muzaffarpur, the perpetrators are known and belong to rich and powerful families. Ironically the middle class of Bihar, the conscience keeper, as was seen in the case of doctor, did not raise its voice of protest

The perpetrators of ghastly crimes ought to be delivered exceptional punishment. They must not go scot-free. But sad enough the Dalit girl of Bihar, whose parents are daily wage labourers, is being denied even proper attention. In her police complaint, the girl’s mother said that around six sons of powerful and rich people of the nearby village, one of them she identified as Sanjay Rai, barged into their hut on August 11 and told the parents to hand over their daughter as “ they want to enjoy her”. Scared parents requested to forgive. But the power-mad lads did not listen to their request. They forcibly took away the girl.

In both the cases, the rapists have common name; Sanjay Roy in case of Kolkata and Sanjay Rai in Muzaffarpur case. While Roy was arrested the very next day of expose, Rai of Muzaffarpur is absconding. However FIR also mentions: “Rai had been threatening to kill her if we did not marry her off to him. How could we have married my teenage daughter to a 45-year-old man?”

Undoubtedly, R G Kar Hospital doctor needs justice and  it should be done through fast-track  court. CBI has taken over the investigations of this gruesome murder after rape of the 31-year-old. But the Dalit girl deserves no less. She has none to raise voice on her behalf. The only party which has come to her support is the CPI(ML). Ironically the BJP which has taken lead to spread the agitation in support of murdered Kolkata doctor across the country through its organisational network, preferred to maintain a passive silence in the case of Muzaffarpur, though it is in power in Bihar and has its two leaders as the deputy chief ministers.

This exposes the duality of the BJP’s concern for women’s safety. In Bengal while BJP intends to create a situation, exerting moral pressure from the middle class, to embarrass Mamata and put the state under presidents’ rule, in Bihar Dalit girl’s killing does not move the BJP and even other major opposition leaders.. BJP is resorting to all kinds of dirty games to malign West Bengal government. But in Bihar none of its top leaders visited the parents of girl and express even “fake” sympathy.

While the supporters of the doctors strike argue that nation looks to the judiciary as the ultimate guardian of justice, this cliché does not find place in the case of Muzaffarpur. True enough the Muzaffarpur girl family requires more. They have no social resources, forget about the financial support; they cannot access the seat of state power. They cannot take a delegation to the chief minister. The cries of the Dalit parents have been silenced by brutality and both the centre and the state government are responsible.

Two SC lawyers mentioned in their letter to CJI; “Her death must not be in vain; it must galvanise us to act, to ensure that no other woman suffers such a fate,” but they have no such words and empathy for the dalit girl. While political activists managed to convince Calcutta High Court, which is too willing to listen to public voice, for a CBI probe, none thought it proper to raise dalit’s case before Patna High Court.

Always alert to put Mamata and her government on mat, this time too the Kolkata High Court agreed to have a CBI probe even after being aware that the track record of CBI in cracking the cases is worse. The Calcutta High Court had in the past, in other cases had ordered a number of CBI probes. But it is clear it has attained little success in these  cases. . . Even after a week of the   gruesome murder, the CBI has not succeeded in , finding  out the real  motive behind the murder and  identification of culprits..

The design of BJP also gets exposed in the operation of Amit Shah of directing the state police forces to provide situation reports every two hours following the protests by doctors, nursing staff, and others against the alleged rape and murder of the doctor. Amit Shah who has never been concerned of the safety of the women has suddenly become proactive. Under his instructions, the home ministry would monitor law and order in all states. This is simply a mechanism to project Kolkata crime in a bigger proportion and dimension nationally.

Amit Shah must reply what action has he taken in the case of the gangrape of Bihar Dalit girl? As in the past this time too, media has played into the hands of saffron ecosystem. It is astonishing to see that media has played the information furnished to it, instead of applying and questioning the rationale of what saffron ecosystem fed. It was nice to see that in a situation when everything appears to have gone wrong, the TMC national spokesperson Mahua Moitra mustered courage to tell “put some facts on record” and “bust myths and fake propaganda. Be responsible while reporting. Genuine concerns need to be addressed. Fake news needs to be busted”.

The  hearing  of Supreme  Court on  Tuesday  on  Kolkata  doctor  rape  issue is  of  crucial  importance. The judges  must see to  it  that  the  culprits   are identified   and punished  asap for  the  gruesome crime,  but at   the  same   time,  the Court  has   to give  order  for  regulating   the  fake  news  in  social  media floated  by  the  BJP ecosystem   and other parties  to create a  situation    endangering   the  law   and  order   of  the  state. (IPA Service)

The article Kolkata Doctor’s Rape-Murder: Fury At Mamata Justified, But Why Is BJP Silent On Bihar Episode? appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

What has happened in Bangladesh was inevitable. It is extreme historical irony that Sheikh Hasina had to eventually flee Bangladesh, the country which was literally fathered by her father Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Hasina, who once helped rescue Bangladesh from military rule and restore the democratic governance, has been primarily responsible for creation of this situation.

This is the second incident in the Indian subcontinent when the head of country had to flee the country to escape the peoples’ wrath. In 2022, Sri Lankan President Gotabaya Rajapaksa had to flee in the wake of people movement against him. Significantly, just after the Sri Lankan incident, some opposition leaders and opinion makers had predicted a similar revolt in Bangladesh. Eventually, it happened on August 4-5.

There was a typical similarity into what happened in Sri Lanka and Dhaka. Sri Lankan people had raided President’s palace and occupied it. The incident that took place in Dhaka on August 5 carried shades of those in Colombo two years earlier. People raided Ganabhaban (Hasina’s residence) and pillaged it. It was their way of expressing their anger.

Hasina, after winning a fifth term as prime minister in January, has been gradually but systematically shaping up as an autocrat in the garb of democrat. No doubt she propelled economic growth in a country once written off by US’s Henry Kissinger as an irredeemable “basket case”. Only last year, she had even promised to turn all of Bangladesh into a “prosperous and developed country”. But like India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi, she also conveniently forgot that Bangladesh has 18 million unemployed young Bangladeshis.

Like Modi, she was also praised by her blind supporters and yesmen for leading Bangladesh through an economic boom. It experienced robust economic growth, primarily driven by the garment export industry. Since 2009, the economy grew by an average of over six percent annually. Significantly in 2021, its per capita income surpassed that of India.

Notwithstanding these achievements, the economists and experts point out that she lacked an inclusive vision for country’s economic development and growth. Her failure to give a direction to economic growth gave rise to protest and dissension. She cracked down on dissenters and a number of prominent social and political activists were put in jail. Hasina’s administration faced heavy criticism for its repressive measures. She ruthlessly suppressed voices of protest and penalised anyone she perceived as a threat or dissenter. After securing her fifth term in power this January, she turned even more autocratic, cracking down on free speech and punishing dissent and opposition.

Hasina’s tenure was marked by the use of security forces, including the notorious Rapid Action Battalion paramilitary, which she was accused of using to abduct and even kill opposition members and dissenters, and allegedly rig the elections. Even the judiciary, a largely bipartisan institution, became compromised during her tenure, forcing a chief justice to flee the country after he opposed her in a ruling.

Hasina controlled the media and maintained a sustained narrative against her opponents. Most of Bangladesh’s mainstream media outlets are owned by businesses with ties to the Awami League. Media has the main task of depicting her supporters as the legitimate heirs to the legacy of the country’s independence and its achievements, while portraying dissenters and opposition members from the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and Jamaat-e-Islami as Razakars or “extremists”. Former PM and key opposition leader Begum Khaleda Zia was imprisoned in 2018 on corruption charges, while a leading figure in Jamaat-e-Islami was executed in 2016.

It is a coincidence that there are many similarities between the governance of Hasina and Narendra Modi. Political prisoners in India are languishing in jail without trials. Even in most of the cases, no chargesheet has been filed. Some have been in jail for more than six years. Between 2016 and 2020, about 24,134 individuals have been charged with the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) alone, only 386 of whom have reportedly been acquitted.

The rightist forces in Bangladesh have been quite active and often have been posing serious problems for secular forces and parties. Jamaat-e-Islami, which provided protection to Razakars during Bangladesh liberation war, were active even in the post-Independence period. The organization was initially banned by the Sheikh Mujibur Rahman government for collaborating with Pakistani forces during the 1971 Liberation War. Jamaat members were implicated in forming auxiliary forces such as Razakar, Al-Badr, Al-Shams, and the Peace Committee, which were involved in atrocities against Bengali freedom fighters, particularly targeting Hindus. In 2013, the Election Commission of Bangladesh cancelled Jamaat’s registration following a court ruling, a decision upheld by the Supreme Court’s Appellate Division in 2023.

The situation in Bangladesh would not have deteriorated to such an extent if Hasina had shown little amount of political maturity in handling the Supreme Court verdict on reservation for freedom fighters. Students were protesting the court verdict on job quotas. Some members of the Jamaat were trying to take benefit out of the verdict. This was opposed by students. They were for quota only for the family members of the genuine freedom fighters. Unfortunately, Hasina did not bother to look at their demand in proper perspective. She remarked: “If the grandchildren of freedom fighters don’t receive [quota] benefits, who will? The grandchildren of Razakars?”

Obviously this hurt the agitating students. They began protesting within hours, marching through Dhaka University’s campus, chanting a provocative slogan: “Who are you? I am Razakar.” Hasina took it as a challenge to her authority. It is travesty of fact, since both Hasina and students, were on the same page. But her arrogance was primarily responsible for escalation in violence.

According to Human Rights Watch, since Sheikh Hasina’s tenure began in 2009, security forces have been implicated in more than 600 enforced disappearances. Between January 2015 and December 2020, at least 755 people described as “militants” or “terrorists” by security forces were killed in 143 alleged shootouts and gunfights across the country, according to another HRW report.

The Bangladesh judiciary must also be held responsible for aggravating the situation through its extraneous orders. Jamaat-e-Islami, Pakistan-linked terror outfit which has always been on the look put for occasion to ignite violence in the country, used the July 28 verdict of a tribunal to instigate the people. Six members of ‘Razakar Bahini’ were sentenced to death for ‘crimes against humanity’ by Bangladesh’s International Crimes Tribunal on July 28. All the six Razakars— A Amjad Hossain Howladar, Sahar Ali Sardar, Atiyar Rahman, Motachim Billah, Kamal Uddin Goldar, and Nazrul Islam — are currently on the run. The three-member tribunal headed by Justice Mohammad Shahinur Islam found them guilty of ‘crimes against humanity,’ including mass killings, torture and arson.

Turmoil in Bangladesh does not seem to cease with Sheikh Hasina’s exit from the country. Several miscreants have now stormed into a jail, setting over 500 inmates free. One thing is certain: India will have to face a very hostile new caretaker government that is expected to take over the power within a couple of day. The students have urged Bangladesh President Mohammad Shahabuddin to announce the government. They have also approached the Army chief to hasten up the process of installation of new government.

The protesting students have been quite hostile to India and the Modi government. Nevertheless, political and diplomatic circles are apprehensive of the developing situation. In a significant step, West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has appealed to people of all communities with folded hands “to remain calm and not engage in any communal behaviour or take the law into their own hands. If our brothers and sisters who are there face some trouble, the governments of India and Bangladesh will look into it.”

The agitating student leaders of Bangladesh have cautioned: “We can see that after our uprising and revolution, the fascists and their accomplices are causing chaos and sabotage. In various places, shootings are taking place, temples are being attacked, and there is sabotage and looting. We believe that these incidents are being orchestrated to undermine our students’ and citizens’ revolution. We urge the dear students-citizen striving for freedom to remain vigilant and cautious”. (IPA Service)

The article Peoples’ Uprising In Bangladesh Does Not Augur Well For India appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

After the sudden, inglorious exit of Sheikh Hasina from the political theatre of Bangladesh, the tone and temper of the students’ movement have changed. A new narrative is making rounds in the political and media circles that the student movement for quota reform is fading from the official narrative and BNP-Jamaat have conspired to take over the functions of the Government. It is also in the air that CIA and ISI, with the help of the Bangladeshi rightist forces, inimical to India, have backed the fundamentalist elements to turn the focus of the movement of the students in the direction of Hasina’s removal.

As it often happens with the autocrats, initially, Hasina did not take students’ anti-quota agitation seriously and believed the words of her sycophants. Just a day ahead when she fled Bangladesh, her minister for information and broadcasting, Mohammad Ali Arafat, ridiculed the agitation saying it was not a “mass upsurge”. He alleged that the students were being misled by the BNP and the Jamaat-e-Islami.

Within 24 hours of Hasina fleeing Bangladesh, two major developments took place: first, leaders of Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, which led the agitation, decided at a meeting held on Tuesday to position Nobel Peace Prize winner and founder of the Grameen Bank, Muhammad Yunus as the head the interim government. They had already discussed this issue with the Bangladeshi President Shahabuddin and the three service chiefs. Second, was the reluctance of UK Labour government to grant asylum to Hasina, even though she was sure of getting asylum. But it appears that Labour government is not willing to antagonise the USA. Playing safe, it has called for a UN-led investigation into the events of the past few weeks in Bangladesh. As regards US, the Biden-Harris administration has already cancelled her visa.

Bangladesh incident has certainly footprints of textbook CIA operations. It has been known for extending support to “spontaneous peoples’ upsurge”. No doubt Hasina turned autocrat in the last phase of her rule, but it is also a fact that she allowed the democratic institutions to function for long. The minorities were safe under her rule. The Bangladesh development poses one simple question: What does the US gain out of displacing Hasina? This would not only put Bangladesh on a shaky plane; it would also create problems for India. After this operation, the ISI will use Bangladesh as its operational base in Southeast Asia. It cannot be denied that post-Hasina Bangladesh can emerge as a security risk for India.

What is interesting is Hasina and students shared the common perception about the quota: both were opposed to its increase. After a similar student agitation in 2018, Hasina being disgusted with the bickering about freedom fighters’ share had scrapped the quota system. But in June this year, the High Court reinstated it and dismissed the government order of 2018. Though the Supreme Court slashed the quota for freedom fighter descendants to 5 per cent, the damage has already been done. Her detractors instigated the students to hit the streets. The brutal tackling of the student agitators by the state police, along with the derogatory statements made by senior Awami League ministers, enraged the agitating students and common people alike. The movement against quota metamorphosed into a massive upsurge against Sheikh Hasina personally. The right-wing BNP and Jamaat took full advantage of this.

Hasina blamed Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the banned Islamist outfit the Jamaat-e-Islami for turning the initially peaceful students’ protests into absolute violence and mayhem. The opposition were out of power for long and virtually stood marginalised. But the agitation resurrected them. They have come back to political centre-stage. Hasina firmly held that students were not involved in the violence and instead blamed the Islamic party, Jamaat-e-Islami, and BNP for the violence. It was after the second round of violence that a frustrated Hasina said: “Those who are carrying out violence are not students but terrorists who are out to destabilise the nation”.

It is interesting that China has not come out with any proper statement on the developments as has been done by the US. China has got its links with many political parties in Bangladesh, including the Awami League. Hasina as prime minister visited Beijing for three days last month. She has been managing a good balancing of respective bilateral relationships with both China and India. In Beijing, China announced that relations with Bangladesh would be upgraded to a comprehensive strategic partnership. Further, “The two sides should carry forward the fine tradition of mutual support and deepen political mutual trust. China supports Bangladesh in adhering to an independent foreign policy, following a development path that suits its national conditions and opposing any external interference.”

But Hasina was not particularly happy with the talks in China as her government had asked for a financial aid package of USD one billion, while China offered only USD 5 million. Hasina cut short the visit by one day and returned to Dhaka since the students movement was on. Hasina had some talks earlier with the Chinese government about a massive redevelopment plan for Teesta river, but before the China visit, Hasina visited Delhi and agreed to collaborate with India on the massive Teesta programme, instead of doing the same with China. This irked Beijing.

As regards the United States, the US has been opposed to Hasina for long. Its opposition has two dimensions: first, Bangladesh’s gradual drift towards China and Russia; and second, the US constantly complaining that Hasina has throttled democracy and is not allowing other parties to work. Incidentally, the US ambassador in Dhaka has been constantly interacting with the opposition leaders, without caring for protocol. Bangladesh has been subjected to a number of sanctions by the US. Despite the US warning, Bangladesh continued to trade with the Russian government after Ukraine war.

What angered US was Hasina’s stand on Taiwan. She said: “Bangladesh firmly adheres to the one-China principle, supports China’s position on the Taiwan issue, and resolutely opposes external forces interfering in China’s internal affairs”. Incidentally, Bangladesh was the first South Asian nation to sign on the Belt and Road Initiative. Since 2016, China has provided funds for building of roads, bridges and power projects. According to the Chinese ambassador, Yao Wen, Bangladesh had received US$1.4 billion of Chinese investment by the end of 2023.

The interim Bangladesh government head Dr. Mohammad Yunus is very close to the US administration. For the US agencies, Dhaka is an open field now for influencing developments in their favour. China is the second country which will be pro-active through its contacts among the new ruling elite. Only Russia and India will have to wait cautiously as both the countries’ ruling establishments are known to be pro-Awami League. India has a big stake while Russia doesn’t. It will be of interest to see whether the US and Chinese interests converge in the present Bangladesh to keep out India, or whether US and China fight among themselves with their differing approaches to take advantage from the current political turmoil. Following the latest developments in Bangladesh, geopolitical challenges in South Asia have got wider dimension. (IPA Service)

The article US Agencies Might Have Played A Role In Facilitating Sheikh Hasina’s Ouster appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

Only six months back, Indians, especially the bourgeoning middle class endorsing the jibes of Narendra Modi against Rahul Gandhi, who preferred to address him “Pappu”, “Shehenshah” and a “part-time politician”, are now looking towards him with hope. Not only the common people and the politically conscious, but also the policy decision-makers and politicians are increasingly not directly opposing him, instead preferring to maintain a passive silence.

A paradigm shift in their approach and perception has taken place once Modi met with his Waterloo in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. Once Rahul raised his pitch against Modi in his Lok Sabha speeches, his former detractors have become the Leader of Opposition’s admirers. The LoP’s popularity graph has risen beyond comprehension. Rahul Gandhi is the new ideologue for the pro-people and centrist forces.

Gandhi’s blazing speech on 29 July, alleging Narendra Modi, Amit Shah, Gautam Adani, Mukesh Ambani, Ajit Doval and Mohan Bhagwat have been the protagonists of a “Chakravyuh” (literally, an entrapment) against India’s common people, has literally shattered the image of Modi. Of course, he did not identify himself as the modern Abhimanyu, but by using the country as metaphor, he made it abundantly clear who was at their target. In the Mahabharat, six famed warriors from the Kauravas side had encircled Abhimanyu and killed him. But the modern Kauravas could not succeed in their mission. Modern-day Abhimanyu smashed their Chakravyuh.

Rahul projected BJP’s lotus as the Chakravyuh of Modi to strangle the aspirations of the common people, while strengthening “monopoly business, political monopoly and the deep state or the agencies”. He said the chakravyuh was also a padmavyuh, a multilayered formation that resembled the lotus (the BJP election symbol), and alleged that it symbolised “fear and violence”.

While Rahul’s second attack on the floor of the Parliament has exposed the deep-rooted conspiracy that was framed by Modi and his lieutenants, it was widely appreciated by the common people. They felt elated that finally they have an individual who has the guts to speak on the face of Modi and articulate their feelings. Rahul said: “In the 21st century, a new chakravyuh has been prepared. It is in the form of a lotus and the Prime Minister wears the symbol on his chest. What was done with Abhimanyu is being done with the youth, women, farmers and MSMEs,” sparked the imagination and at the same time the confidence of the common people. He said the “destruction” of the MSMEs has dried up jobs.

Rahul further dealt a blow to Modi: “The chakravyuh that has captured India has three forces behind it. First is the idea of monopoly capital; that two people should be allowed to own the entire Indian money. So, one element of the chakravyuh is coming from the concentration of financial power.”

Rahul has succeeded in his mission to put Modi, the self-proclaimed Vishwaguru, in dock. Till barely a couple of months ago, the people would not have imagined that an autocrat like Modi could be silenced and shown his place in the floor of the house. But now it is the reality. This was manifest in his observation that the middle class which had backed Modi had turned towards the INDIA bloc after the budget. “The same middle class has now been stabbed in the back and in the chest in the budget.”

The mainstream media for whom Rahul has been a pariah and an outcast till yesterday, literally tried to project him as the person who imbibed their voice and hope. It seems like a complete transformation. For a change, the media did not hesitate in identifying with him. At the diktat of Modi, the journalists were kept at a distance inside the parliament. Their movements were also restricted. They could interact with the members only at the entrance. Unfortunately, no political leader ever dared to raise this issue with the Speaker and tell him to do away this practice. The Godi media, which did everything possible to malign Rahul’s image, ironically could not dare to register their protest with Speaker on this discrimination.

The autocratic rule of Modi was also visible in the functioning of the staff of the Parliament premises. A photojournalist said: “Like every day, we were taking pictures of political leaders in the morning. The officials in charge of security came and asked us to move from Makar Dwar to a place near the media enclosure, close to Gate 12 of the old Parliament building.”On July 29 they had mustered courage to “silently protest” this nature of treatment and restriction. Interestingly, Covid-19 was cited as the reason for imposing the restriction four years back. Since the Covid-19 outbreak in 2020, Parliament authorities have imposed several restrictions on journalists’ entry into the complex.

Rahul Gandhi raised this issue in the House during the budget discussion, urging Speaker Om Birla to free the journalists from their “pinjra” (cage), stressing that it was another “chakravyuh”. He said: “Sir, one more chakravyuh has been imposed. The media people have been put in a cage. Please release them.” (IPA Service)

The article Rahul Gandhi Names And Shames Modi’s ‘Lotus-Shaped Chakravyuh’ appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

Give a bad name to the dog and kill it. This is actually happening with the railways. Recurring train accidents are the best motives for marketing the train services to private sector. Selling a profit making organisation would invite severe public outcry and criticism. It would give a bad name to the government and turn it suspect in the eyes of the common people. Though the Narendra Modi government has handed over a chunk of railway operation and services to Adani group, it is the fear of public revolt against this move that prohibits Narendra Modi from gifting the entire railway to the private sector.

The incident of derailment of the Howrah-Mumbai Mail at around 3.45 am on Tuesday near Badabamboo, under the Chakradharpur Division of the South Eastern Railway, in which according to railways two persons were killed and 20 others injured ,is the classical case of utter dereliction of responsibility. The local people however contradict the official version and say that more than a dozen people had died in the derailment of 18 bogies. They accuse the officials of concealing the actual number of passenger killed..

SER spokesperson Om Prakash Charan had said there was another derailment of a goods train nearby, but it was not yet clear whether the two accidents occurred concurrently. However one thing is absolutely clear that India is rapidly becoming the country for railway accidents in the world. The frequency of accidents is alarming both passengers and rail workers.

This sharp increase in the accidents sends a clear and loud message that Narendra Modi is not at all bothered of the loss of human lives. For them, people are worst than pigs and dogs for him. If he has been really concerned of the lives of the common people and financial loss to the country, he certainly should have taken preventive measures and placed the railway operation in better and proper mode.

The chief of the BJP IT cell has come out with the accident figures which claims that railways have been operating comparatively accident free. This is indeed a cruel joke. The fact is most of the trains meant for common people have been withdrawn during Modi rule. Even then the number of accidents has been sizeable. At least 638 train accidents took place between 2014-2023 under NDA rule. Interestingly during this period, Modi government claims, safety expenditures have tripled with annual spend at Rs 17801 crores. Obviously in the background of these accidents, question arises where has the fund gone. At least two recent train accidents one involving Kanchanjunga Express and another Mumbai Mail have reignited the debate over whether PM Modi-led NDA has managed the India Railways better than Manmohan Singh’s UPA.

In fact, eleven railway organisations and central trade unions have issued a scathing joint statement, demanding accountability of the Union government, its ministers and other high authorities for the large number of preventable accidents in the Indian Railways. They have urged the government to stop the “violation of safety norms and procedures,” highlighting key loopholes that may be responsible for the accidents. They have also urged the rail minister to fill all vacant positions in the safety category in Indian Railways, providing examples of the fatal human cost of overwork.

Collisions or so-called “accidents” happen resulting in deaths and tremendous loss of public property but even before the real reason is determined, the railway authorities quickly put the blame on the railway workers; loco pilots, Station Masters, train managers (earlier known as guards), signalling staff, and so on. These cannot defend themselves. No top official of even media gives credence to their version. They are the scapegoats.

True to his style, Prime Minister announced at least a year ago installation of Kavach to prevent accidents. But the progress is quite disgusting. The entire move is shrouded in mystery. It was said that railways would roll out tenders for 10,000 km of Kavach, an automatic train protection system, to prevent accidents due to human error resulting in Signal Passing in danger and over-speeding. Presently, Kavach contracts have been awarded for Delhi- Mumbai (including Ahmedabad-Vadodara Section) & Delhi- Howrah (including Lucknow—Kanpur Section) corridors approximately 3000 km. The system involves complexities and it has to be customised for every train. For example, a 5000-tonne goods train would need a 1-1.5 km distance to come to a halt while for MEMU it will be 300-500 km. So, the system has to be devised accordingly.

On Tuesday itself ,Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav rightly hit out at the government’s track record when it comes to rail safety, stating, “This government wants to make a record in train accidents. They had record number of paper leaks, and now railway accidents. This government only makes big claims. People are losing their lives. The government should do something about it so that such accidents do not happen in future.”

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, while offering condolences to the victims’ families, asked the government to fix accountability following sharp increase in accidents, Banerjee, a former Railways Minister, tweeted, “I seriously ask: is this governance? This series of nightmares almost every week, this unending procession of deaths and injuries on railway tracks: for how long shall we tolerate this? Will there be no end to the callousness of Government of India?!” She sought to know: “’I seriously ask: is this governance? This series of nightmares almost every week, this unending procession of deaths and injuries on railway tracks: for how long shall we tolerate this? Will there be no end to the callousness of Government of India?’

Shiv Sena (UBT) MP Priyanka Chaturvedi also questioned the government’s response to increasingly frequent instances of rail-related mishaps, accusing it of “shameful apathy”. “With several deaths and no accountability till date, I guess this also won’t have any impact. Announce compensation, promise enquiry and move on to another PR Instagram reel,” Priyanka Chaturvedi said.

It is really worrisome how many more train accidents it would take for the Centre to take action, saying, People are suffering, people are being put through hardships and misery while the Modi government continues to escape accountability and responsibility for rail safety.

Shockingly the railways tried to politicise the accident by putting the blame for the accident on Jharkhand government. This made the JMM leadership to strongly retort. JMM slammed rail minister and urged to focus on railways instead of making social media reels. It also refuted that chief minister Hemant Soren and the INDIA bloc were not involved in any way.

In the Union Budget 2024-25 presented on July 23, according to the rail minister Ashwini Vaishnaw a sum of Rs 1.08 trillion would be used for enhancing safety measures. Vaishnaw after the West Bengal rail accident on June 17, had also directed railway officials to accelerate the implementation of the Kavach system in a structured mission mode. Had the Kavach been installed and all the locomotives equipped with the system then certainly the Mumbai Mail accident had not happened.

Even the Jharkhand BJP president Babulal Marandi said, “The entire responsibility for this (train accident) lies with your Railway Minister and the central government. Stop the Railway Minister from making reels and request him to focus on railways.” (IPA Service)

The article India Is Among The Countries With Highest Railway Accidents In The World appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

Prime Minister Narendra Modi lifting the 44-year-old ban on government employees from joining RSS and allowing them to actively participate in its programmes, might be construed as a tactical move to buy peace with RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat, but more than that, it is a move to legalise RSS interference in managing and running the state machinery and allow it to have access to the decision making mechanism.

This is the second major move of Modi within a week, after he preferred to mellow down and mend his ways with Bhagwat, to open the iron gate of state administration to the RSS. It is now sure the notification of July 9, 2024 overruling the ban imposed by Indira Gandhi government in 1980, will change the basic character of governance and pose serious threat to decision making process. RSS members will now have a direct say in framing policies and programmes.

The RSS was first banned by India’s first deputy prime minister and home minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel on February 4, 1948, three days after Nathuram Godse, an RSS member, assassinated Mahatma Gandhi. He believed that the RSS was an “extremist section” of the Hindu Mahasabha and “constituted a clear threat to the existence of the Government and the State…” In September, he also wrote to the RSS chief M.S. Golwalkar that the speeches of RSS workers and leaders are “full of communal poison”, because of which Gandhi was killed. On July 11, 1949, the ban on RSS was lifted after Golwalkar promised to remain loyal to the Constitution and the national flag, and stop its political work to remain only as a social and cultural organisation.

This was not the beginning or end of the ban. Later on, at least on three more occasions RSS was banned. After each ban it promised to behave like a good boy, but every time it shamed its promises. The latest order, allowing RSS to enroll the government employees as its members has wider implication. The state administration which earlier maintained the posture of neutrality would be free to take the calls from the RSS. Earlier the officials were not comfortable with carrying out the orders of the RSS brazenly. But now they will be free to carry out the directives issued from Nagpur, the RSS headquarters.

While Modi’s order will facilitate Hindu employees to become the members of RSS, the Muslims do not enjoy such facility. Though the number of Muslim employees in the government establishment is quite negligible, even then this discrimination will have disastrous implication. The Muslims who were already feeling dejected and humiliated by the devious hatred politics of Modi administration, would be treated like pariah.

Modi government did not allow the Muslim employees to become members of Jammat e Islami or any other religious or cultural organisation. Obviously only the Hindu employee is entitled to have the privilege of becoming members of RSS. This is simply manifestation of the sense of disbelief for Muslims and their cultural or religious organisation. This will certainly not augur well for the government or governance.

RSS claims to be the biggest cultural organisation and aims at turning India into a Hindu Rashtra. Modi’s move should be seen as a step forward for giving a shape to this mission. An administration bereft of secular commitments would serve this cause of RSS. Under its perception government machinery and military are the two major impediments ahead. If somehow it could bring these two under its wing, the task for conversion to Hindu Rashtra would become easier.

Modi’s move is also a means to achieve Hindu nationalism. It has been striving for nationalism (Hindu)’ contrary to the one underlined in our Constitution, Indian nationalism. It is not that before enactment of the notification, the government employees were not associated with the RSS. But they preferred to conceal their Sang identity. Now, the RSS members as government employees will openly work for their programmes, and the non-RSS government employees will feel the heat from RSS ‘s active members. Further, many government employees will be interested to join the RSS s this will get them closer to the BJP ruled state administrations as also at centre.

Over the years, RSS has succeeded to prepare a committed group of government employees which served the interest of the organisation. Earlier a government employee found to promote RSS interest would have to explain his conduct, but with this order in vogue, no one can seek any explanation and the employee will be free to offer all kind of help, even confidential information and documents to the RSS. The employee cannot be held responsible for passing on official information outside.

For long RSS has been trying to penetrate the military services. Indian military is known for its multiculturalism. But in recent times, precisely under the rule of Modi, it has been facing strains. In a 2016 article published in the Centre for Land Warfare Studies journal, a strong case was made for inclusion of Ramayana, Mahabharata and Bhagavad Gita in the officer training curriculum. It was argued “Vedic leadership concepts and principles have relevance in the Indian Military Leadership, wherein the study of Arthashastra and Mahabharata form part of the curriculum in the higher echelon training.”

Following the Kargil War, when pictures of the three service chiefs began to be used in the Bharatiya Janata Party’s election campaign. It was opposed by the then-Army Chief Ved Malik; “The Armed Forces were anguished because they were getting sucked into electoral politics as a result of the blatant effort to politicise the war for immediate electoral benefit. Leave us alone.” Modi during his ten year rule has been politicising the bureaucracy including the armed forces. Modi created the post of chief of defence staff and brought the three sections under one command.

In 2016, the Army sent the first of over 1,000 yoga instructors for training at the Ramdev’s Yoga Centre at the initiative of Modi. In this regard the observation of Bhagwat made in Feb 2018 deserves attention wherein he had said “Army takes months, RSS can prepare a force within 3 days to fight on border. This is our capability. Swayamsewak will be ready to take on the front if the country faces such a situation and Constitution permits to do so”. Bhagwat’s remark is ominous.

Modi’s insistence to keep Agniveer scheme operative is yet another distrustful act. While he says that this would give young and new faces to the military but at the same time, he is not willing to retain these boys for more than 5 years. After forced out of military, only 25 percent of them would be absorbed in paramilitary in states. The rest 75 per cent with military skill would be left to lurch. Obviously Modi and RSS intend to create a social mercenary force. Already one retired Agniveer cadre has been arrested a couple of days back for indulging in criminal activities.

Many of the senior bureaucrats have RSS leanings.. They will become vocal now. The bureaucrats have already fallen in line and have been serving the BJP cause in government. Though for some it was a mechanism to win the trust of their political masters to ensure their upper mobility, gain material benefits. But for some, it is a means to show their loyalty to their ideological mentors. Most bureaucrats tend to support the ruling dispensation, regardless of the political party in power. But in this case, these bureaucrats were ideologically and politically committed to Modi and RSS. The classical example has been Sanjay Mishra controversial ED chief who trampled the government rules and Constitutional provisions to serve the political interest of his master, Narendra Modi.

The subservience of the bureaucrats could be understood from one simple example. Two civil servants had participated at a function organised in Satna by the RSS on June 11 last year. It had triggered a massive row in Madhya Pradesh, with the opposition Congress demanding action against the “errant” officials. A viral photo from the RSS function (‘Samarpan Samaroh’) held in Satna showed district collector Anurag Verma and municipal commissioner Rajesh Shahi holding their hands up to perform the ‘dhwaj pranaam‘ the Hindutva organisation’s customary salute. (IPA Service)

The article Centre’s Withdrawal Of Ban On Govt Employees To Join RSS Has Ominous Consequences appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Kumar Shrivastav

Early this week, Indian writer Pankaj Mishra won the 2024 Weston International Award. The $75,000 award is given to an international non-fiction writer based outside Canada by The Writer’s Trust of Canada. “Through a compelling and essential body of work that braids memoir, philosophy, history, sociology and criticism, Mishra proves he is a master of disassembling and uplifting magmatic argument and pressing issues of identity, nationalism and belonging,” said the jury in a press statement.

Pankaj Mishra is noted for contributing articles to newspapers and magazines such as The Guardian, New Yorker, London Review of Books, Bloomberg, and more. Mishra has a BCom from Allahabad University and an MA in English literature from the Jawaharlal University. An average guy! Many would argue. But he has been serious and committed to his vocation.

His writing ambition began to take shape when he shifted to a Himalayan village Mashobra in 1992. It was a small hut with a tin roof. During the rainy season, the young writer would not know how to interpret the rain drops on his tin roof. He has come a long way since those initial uncertain days.

Now he splits time between London and Mashobra. At 55, Mishra who began his career as just another guy bitten by the writing bug has an impressive portfolio of books written by him. His has a social, economic, political perspective that transcends class and echoes across continents.

His books include Butter Chicken in Ludhiana: Travels in Small Town India (1995), The Romantics (2000), An End to Suffering: The Buddha in the World (2004), Temptations of the West: How to be Modern in India, Pakistan, Tibet and Beyond (2006), From the Ruins of Empire: The Revolt Against the West and the Remaking of Asia (2012). A Great Clamour: Encounters with China and its Neighbours (2013), and Age of Anger: A History of the Present (2017).

Pankaj Mishra is not one of those writers who take a flight of fancy or choose a rare malady resting deep inside us to interpret. He is an everyday writer picking up everyday issues and unravels the truth that hide in plain sight.

Meanwhile, 26-year-old writer from Mumbai, Sanjana Thakur, has won the 2024 Commonwealth Short Story Prize. Sanjana’s story “Aishwarya Rai” was chosen as the best among 7,359 entries globally. The story is about mothers and daughters and in her story a young woman seeks to hire an ideal mother.

Talking about how she got the idea for her story, Sanjana says in an interview, “The idea started out as a store for mothers, actually, where you could buy mothers off the shelf based on their features, characteristics, aesthetics. Then it evolved, of course, turning into a shelter from where you could adopt different mothers.”

Another Indian writer who is making ripples at the global level is 35-year-old game-designer and writer Lavanya Lakshminarayan. She has been shortlisted for the Arthur C. Clarke Award for her debut novel, a science fiction, The Ten Percent Thief.

“I was scrolling Twitter, barely paying attention to what I was scrolling past. I had to look at it thrice for it to make sense,” the Bengaluru and Hyderabad-based writer told Vogue India. “I don’t think it has registered truly yet. It’s an immense honour that you don’t expect to come your way. Maybe in a dream somewhere.”

Lakshminarayan describes her book as a “gameified universe,” placing her work in the tradition of dystopian classics like George Orwell’s 1984, Aldous Huxley’s A Brave New World, and Philip K. Dick’s oeuvre. While acknowledging her international influences, she also credits Indian author Samit Basu. “I remember reading The Simoqin Prophecies as a teenager and thinking, ‘Finally, characters with Indian names!’ Until then, everyone was an Edmund, Lucy, or John,” she recalls.

Yet another writer of Indian descent has gathered recognition at the international level. Indian-British journalist Madhumita Murgia’s book Code Dependent: Living in the Shadow of AI has been shortlisted for the 2024 inaugural Women’s Prize for Non-fiction. Six books including Murgia’s book has been shortlisted for the prize. Code Dependent was published by Picador and released I India in March. The book explores the impact of AI (artificial intelligence) on human society. (IPA Service)

The article Author Pankaj Mishra Wins Coveted $75K Weston International Award appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

The battle for dominance between Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath and his deputy Keshav Prasad Maurya, believed to be the protégé of the Modi-Shah duo, is only the prelude; the ‘big fight’ is between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat for the ‘Hindu Hridaya Samrat’ crown, though post Lok Sabha elections it will be intellectual dishonesty to think of Modi as a Hindutva icon. To a vast section of Hindus, Modi turned out to be a rolling stone who gathered no Hindutva moss.

And the RSS top brass is determined to find a replacement for Modi. This, despite Modi’s lieutenants going all aggressive. They have declared war against BJP leaders close to the RSS. So much so, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat, who till now had given Modi a long rope, has decided that Modi must go. On July 18, Bhagwat observed, while addressing cadres at Gumla in Jharkhand, “that man wants to become Superman, even Bhagwan”. He didn’t mention Modi by name, but the audience understood.

“Is there ever an end to progress? Development is such a thing that once we reach it, we realise we can go further. When we reach our goal, we see that there is still more to go… man then wants to become a superman… in movies they show Superman who has extraordinary powers. So a human wants to have such power… but he doesn’t stop there. He then wants to become a Dev. But Devtas say Bhagwan is bigger than us, so then he wants to become Bhagwan,” the RSS chief elaborated.

Modi cannot complain. He created his own hell. Modi’s “advisers”, like Amit Shah and possibly JP Nadda, have made Modi self-delude that he is a “maker of destiny” for crores of Indians. Modi dared to even challenge the RSS. Post-2024 Lok Sabha elections, the chasm between the BJP and RSS has widened and Nadda went to the extent of saying that the BJP doesn’t need the RSS. Meanwhile, Modi continues to be consumed by his autocratic hangover, not realizing that he was eroding the relevance of the BJP. Modi’s autocratic style will be his political death.

Is it coincidence that the Yogi openly challenged Modi’s authority by replacing the chief secretary loyal to Modi with his own favourite, Manoj Singh? NDA leaders Nitish Kumar, Chirag Paswan and Jayant Chaudhary, who are virtually the crutches of Modi, did not mince words when opposing Yogi Adityanath’s attempt to arouse communal passions using the Kanwaria yatra. The Yogi ordered shopkeepers, vendors, handcart hawkers on Kanwaria routes to put their names on their shops and carts. It is part of a well-designed plan to snatch the initiative from Modi and present Yogi as the symbol of RSS’s Hindutva. The claim that “it was done to avoid confusion” is not tenable. Yogi was desperate enough to use any weapon against Modi.

The RSS wanted to put an end to the raging controversy. RSS joint general-secretary Arun Kumar convened a two-day meeting of senior BJP leaders and ministers to sort out the differences between Modi and Yogi. But the July 20-21 meeting was cancelled after Modi-loyalists leaked the information. “RSS wanted the meeting kept a secret. The Sangh did not want to appear like a peacemaker between BJP leaders blaming each other for the party’s dismal show in the Hindi heartland,” a senior RSS leader said.

Arun Kumar had asked CM Yogi Adityanath, Deputy CM Keshav Prasad Maurya, Deputy CM No.2 Brajesh Pathak and BJP state president Bhupendra Chaudhary to be at meeting. Yogi Adityanath cancelled all his programmes for the two days but, sensing the mood of RSS leaders, both Yogi and Modi loyalists wanted to skip the meeting, which would have laid bare the failures and fallacies of Modi and his major domo Amit Shah.

The Yogi was even ready with documents and other evidence to prove his case against Modi and Shah. Apparently, the duo was plotting against the Yogi. For public consumption it was said that the meeting had been “postponed” when in reality, the RSS did not want news of the meeting in the public domain. People shouldn’t speculate if it favoured one particular group/leader over another. The façade of neutrality must be maintained at all costs. But the key reason why the meeting was scrapped was the fear of losing face if Modi supporters refused to agree to “suggestions and decisions”.

That Modi challenged RSS should not go out to the public at large. The RSS mission to review the disappointing performance of the BJP in the Lok Sabha elections could not succeed. Nobody is talking of when the next meeting would be held, but the Yogi struck fast and first, leaving Modi loyalists in the lurch. Postponement of the meeting may have saved Modi and Shah from public humiliation but their position within the saffron ecosystem has become more vulnerable. It has simply strengthened the belief that Modi and Shah were at fault and that they were responsible for the beating the BJP got in the Lok Sabha elections.

At the extended executive meet, Keshav Maurya had blamed Yogi government’s “apathy” towards party workers as the prime reason for the BJP winning only 33 of UP’s 80 Lok Sabha seats compared to 62 seats in 2019. He alleged state government officials had become too powerful under Adityanath and were ignoring ruling party workers. But Yogi was armed with complaints from the ground level RSS cadres and block chiefs that cabinet colleagues of Modi did not respond to their requests. Interestingly only some time back these RSS cadres apprised their top leaders with the same nature of complaints against Yogi and his ministers and state BJP leaders.

At the state meet Maurya had also said “the organisation is always bigger than the government”, obliquely blaming Yogi for the BJP’s electoral setback. His accusation was a warning for Yogi to abide by the dictates of Modi and Shah. The meeting between the RSS leaders, party leaders and Yogi was supposed to review and find out the real reasons for the dismal performance. The meeting had acquired serious implications after Modi loyalists and Yogi supporters engaged in public outrage. It is alleged that Modi loyalists kept away on Shah’s instructions.

Is Amit Shah the villain of the piece, responsible for endangering Modi’s position? For the last five years, Shah has been conspiring against Yogi and replacing him with Keshav Prasad Maurya. But the Yogi enjoys the support of the RSS because of his hard Hindu posture and sanctity and purity in personal life. The Yogi is not only a diehard Muslim hater; he also nurses a marked apathy towards Brahmins and Bhumihars.

RSS will take its own independent stand. The BJP not only lost 37 seats, the defeat was a serious setback for RSS, which now will find it hard to execute its expansion plan. In a tactical move the RSS has tried to send the message that “it works for shaping public opinion and does not get directly involved in elections” (Sangh lagataar lokmat parishkar ka kaam karta hai aur seedhe chunav ke karyon mein nahi lagta hai, aur who kaam is baar bhi kiya hai).

The strained relations in the BJP and RSS’s readiness to strike at anytime has put Modi in a tight situation. For the first time since he became third-time Prime Minister, Narendra Modi has been warned by ally partners Nitish Kumar, Chirag Paswan and Jayant Chaudhary to refrain from indulging in hate politics and keep saffron vigilantes and cadres under check. The UP government’s diktat to shop owners to name shop owners forced these leaders’ hands.

They have told Modi in no uncertain terms that that perpetuating such politics would prove costly for him. Nitish Kumar’s JD(U), Chirag Paswan’s LJP and RLD’s Jayant Chaudhary are dependent on Muslims for their political survival and they were not willing to sacrifice their future for Modi’s present. They are perplexed Modi hasn’t learned from the BJP defeat in the Lok Sabha elections.

The “three crutches” believe Amit Shah is to blame. Being Union Home Minister, he could have stopped the CM from playing around with the lives of citizens, instead he chose to keep mum. Is it coincidence that Yogi’s “actions” come just ahead of assembly elections in Haryana, Jharkhand and Maharashtra and is tantamount to polarizing the Hindu votebank for electoral purposes? (IPA Service)

The article War Of Dominance Between Modi And Bhagwat Acquires Curious Shape appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Kumar Shrivastav

The student protest in Bangladesh over job quotas has taken a deadly turn, with more than 100 students reportedly killed by police and security forces. Despite the government’s suspension of the controversial job quota decision, there is no sign of the protests abating. Students from across the country continue to take to the streets, indicating that their demands extend beyond the job quota issue.

Experts believe that the ongoing turmoil in Bangladesh may be part of a larger geopolitical game plan. This troubled region, crucial for India’s strategic corridor to Southeast Asia, is facing significant unrest. This geographical area is vital for India’s ambitious multimodal transportation projects, including a direct rail and road route from India’s Northeast to Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, and Vietnam. Recently, India’s Manipur witnessed prolonged riots between two tribal groups.

If this region remains in conflict, it poses severe challenges to India’s plans. The proposed road link is crucial for the economic prosperity of India’s Northeast, Bangladesh, Myanmar, and beyond. Experts suggest that there may be a deliberate effort to create instability in Bangladesh, Myanmar, and Manipur, isolating India and hindering its access to Southeast Asia.

The creation of Pakistan serves as a historical precedent, effectively isolating India from direct access to Central Asia. The situation in Afghanistan, where the Taliban government remains largely unrecognized internationally due to its extreme and unpredictable governance, is crucial in understanding regional dynamics.

Afghanistan effectively hinders India’s strategic vision beyond its borders. Afghanistan’s instability, coupled with the contentious relationship between India and Pakistan, prevents India from accessing Central Asia and engaging in commerce and trade with these regions as seamlessly as it might have otherwise. These issues are not isolated internal matters but significant impediments to India’s progress and its aspirations to be recognized as a global power alongside the US, China, and Russia.

The unrest in Bangladesh should be viewed within the broader context of regional instability affecting India’s geopolitical landscape. The unrest, civil war, and medieval mindsets ruling smaller neighbouring countries like Bangladesh, Myanmar, Afghanistan, and Pakistan are not merely their internal problems but also substantial obstacles to India’s legitimate ambitions.

Recent political shifts in Nepal, combined with ongoing turmoil in Bangladesh, suggest the influence of international geopolitical forces in the region. The situation in Bangladesh today echoes the political changes in Sri Lanka in 2022. The fall of the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government came after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the subsequent efforts by Western countries to isolate Russia on the international stage. Around the same time, Pakistan saw the fall of Imran Khan’s government.

As we observe the developments in Bangladesh, it’s crucial to consider the broader geopolitical context. Governments in this region often rise and fall swiftly, influenced by the interests of major global powers. Regional instability can obstruct India’s progress and its strategic ambitions in Central and Southeast Asia. India must not only watch but be prepared to respond proactively.

The crises in Myanmar, Bangladesh, and Afghanistan extend beyond their borders, affecting regional stability and, by extension, India. Afghanistan’s healthcare system is collapsing, Myanmar is experiencing severe violence, and refugee crises are escalating. These issues spill over into India, as seen with the unrest in Manipur and other states.

Dismissing these regional problems as purely internal is shortsighted. They hinder India’s strategic vision and economic outreach. India needs a proactive strategy, which includes urging neighbouring countries like Afghanistan and Myanmar to stabilize their internal situations and create a peaceful environment. Ignoring the turmoil just 10-700 km from its borders, whether in Myanmar or Afghanistan, is not a viable option for India.

India must communicate clearly to these countries the necessity of addressing their internal issues effectively. This approach not only aids regional stability but also supports India’s strategic interests, ensuring a secure and prosperous future for the region.

India’s emergence as a global economic powerhouse is not obstructed by major world powers but by the instability in its neighbouring countries. To achieve its strategic ambitions, India must address the challenges posed by its immediate neighbours, including Pakistan, Afghanistan, Myanmar, and Bangladesh.

India does not need to persuade global powers like the United States or Russia; it needs to ensure that its neighbours understand the importance of regional stability. These countries’ internal problems significantly impact India’s progress and its aspirations to connect with Southeast Asia and Central Asia.

Pakistan and Afghanistan are critical gateways for India to access Central Asia, while Myanmar and Bangladesh are essential for reaching Southeast Asia. The issues in these countries create substantial barriers to India’s strategic goals. Therefore, India must prioritize resolving regional conflicts and promoting stability as non-negotiable aspects of its foreign policy.

Amid the escalating crisis in Bangladesh, India must urgently clarify its position. The Indian government should communicate to both the Bangladeshi authorities and the protesting students that the ongoing unrest is detrimental to peace and stability in the region. India’s proactive engagement could help stabilize the region, ensuring mutual benefits for both countries and contributing to broader regional stability. (IPA Service)

The article Bangladesh Protests Are Part Of Geopolitical Turmoil In South Asia appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Kumar Shrivastav

A transgender, Manvi Madhu Kashyam, has become a police sub-inspector. Coming from a small village, Manvi is the first transgender in India to secure a police job. She is among the three transgender persons selected for the post. While Manvi is a trans-woman, the other two are trans-men. They have chosen not to speak up and identify themselves in public.

Manvi’s appointment as a police sub-inspector was published in almost all newspapers across the country, highlighting the rarity of the news. Transgender persons are a stigmatized community in India. They are known for begging in trains in big cities and visiting homes after the birth of a baby in rural India to bless the newborn and seek donations from family members. They dance and entertain the people and for a living.

Indian police sub-inspectors are responsible for maintaining law and order in their jurisdictions. They gather intelligence, investigate crimes, and file charge sheets in court. They are usually the first responders to a crime scene and part of a raid or encounter operation. It’s a tough and risky job.

From cheap dancing moves and begging to the role of police sub-inspector is a giant leap for a transgender person. Although the number of transgender persons in government and private jobs is negligible, Manvi’s example shows that things are changing. A USAID report says India has a wide range of legal anti-discrimination protections for the trans community. Besides, concerted efforts by NGOs and government organizations are bringing some pathbreaking changes on the ground.

A transgender’s image in India is that of an effeminate person, eking a livelihood by begging and entertaining the public with cheap dance moves. Manvi’s appointment as a police sub inspector is a major blow to this stereotype.

In the interviews given to the media after the news broke out, Manvi said that many coaching institutes that provided training for the written and physical tests denied her an admission, saying that her presence will negatively affect the training atmosphere. She mentioned one institute and expressed gratitude for one Mr Rahman who finally gave her admission to her institute. She also thanked her family who supported her in her struggles.

A total 6,788 candidates took the exams this year of which 1275 qualified, 822 men, 450 women, and 3 transgenders. India had no proper count of transgender population until the 2011 census, when they were covered under a new “Others” category or code 3, beyond male and female who were assigned code 1 and 2 respectively. The census allowed people to identify themselves as transgender. The total transgender population in India in 2011 census came to be 4.87 lakh.

This census provided data on the prevalence of transgender people in different states. It recorded information of caste, literacy status, workforce participation, and the number of transgender population in the age group of 0 to 6 years.

A major milestone in securing parity for transgender population was achieved in 2014 when the Supreme Court of India ruled that transgender people be recognised as a third-gender and enjoy all fundamental rights. The court also upheld the right to decide their self-identified gender. It means they can identify themselves as male, female or as the third gender. The apex court directed state governments to develop mechanism to realise the rights of “third-gender” persons.

The Supreme Court ruling came on a case filed by the National Legal Services Authority of India (NALSA) that sought to provide legal recognition to persons who fall outside the male/female gender binary, including those who identify a “third gender”.

The court clarified that third gender person should not be subjected to any medical examination or biological test to determine their gender. It would be an invasion of their privacy. Gender identity is “an innate perception of one’s gender” and biological characteristics do not constitute gender identity.

The court placed gender identity under Article 21 of the Constitution that guarantees right to dignity as a fundamental right. The Court interpreted ‘dignity’ under Article 21 of the Constitution to include diversity in self-expression, which allowed a person to lead a dignified life. It placed one’s gender identity within the framework of the fundamental right to dignity under Article 21.

The right to equality (Article 14) and Freedom of Expression (Article 19(1)(a) were framed in gender neutral terms and therefore they extend to transgender persons, the apex court observed.

The court held that discrimination on the ground of “sex” which does not only refer to biological attributes but also includes gender (based on one’s self-perception) is explicitly prohibited. Following this the Union Cabinet approved the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Bill 2016, which finally became a law in 2019.

The Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act prohibits employment discrimination against third gender persons in public and private sector jobs. The anti-discrimination provisions create a pathway towards building a more inclusive culture and mechanism to deal with violation of rights.

Manvi example shows that transgender people in India now have a new pathway toward dignified work thanks to a collaborative effort between communities, government and development partners. (IPA Service)

The article Police Sub-Inspector Manvi Kashyam Smashes The Transgender Stereotype appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

Senior BJP leaders engaging in solecism in Uttar Pradesh and Bengal certainly can not be described as factional feud. Instead it unravels the contagious malaise that afflicts the party, endangering its current level of functioning. It may sound to be baloney, but the party imbibing the Hindutva cause has never been faced with this nature of crisis; emergence of rebellion against the top leadership of the party. There is no doubt it has deeper and wider implication and dynamics than it appears to be. It ought to be not forgotten that these two states had played crucial role in defeating Narendra Modi and shattering the myth of his “Modi’s Guarantees”.

Though simmering discontent against Narendra Modi and his brand of politics was discernible for quite some time in the two states, no one ever imagined that it would surface so soon. While in UP, the BJP chief minister Yogi Adityanath did not hesitate in putting the blame on Modi for the defeat of the party in Lok Sabha election, the Leader of opposition in Bengal assembly, outright rejected the political line of Modi. In UP the leaders engaged in worst nature of attrition and accusations in the presence of their national president J P Nadda.

Significantly in both the states, the leaders chose the state executive meet to blurt out against Modi. Yogi blamed that overconfidence of the national leaders has impacted BJP’s electoral performance, pointing out how the opposition, previously dispirited, now appears rejuvenated after their electoral gains. He underlined the ambiguous stand of the party leadership in the matter of reservation which helped the opposition to push “fake narratives”. He also said “When we assume with such confidence that we are winning, naturally we have to pay the price. The opposition, which had lost heart before the election, is now working with a renewed spring in their step”.

The deputy chief minister, Keshav Prasad Maurya nevertheless put hard efforts to defend Modi and his politics, he could not convince the house and carry the members with his argument. His logic sounded simply rhetoric: “In BJP’s scheme, the organization always takes precedence over government and it is, therefore, incumbent upon all ministers, MLAs, and public representatives to respect workers and take care of their dignity. I am a party worker first and Deputy CM second.”

Maurya a protégé of Amit Shah attempted countering Yogi’s accusation against central leadership, obliquely Modi, for its defeat in the Lok Sabha. The deliberations at the BJP’s state executive made it abundantly clear that party is vertically split on the line of pro-Modi and anti-Modi. Leaders confide that Maurya was fighting a proxy war against Yogi with the backing from Delhi.

Coinciding with the Lucknow meet, in Calcutta, senior BJP leader and leader of the opposition in assembly, Suvendu Adhikari, brazenly asked BJP workers, at the extended state executive committee meeting at the Science City auditorium in front of central BJP leaders, party’s Bengal minder Sunil Bansal and Union minister Manohar Lal Khattar, who chaired the meeting, to discard Narendra Modi’s Sabka Sath, Sabka Vikas slogan and replace it with his slogan “Jo Hamare Sath, Hum Unkey Sath”.

Though he rejected Modi’s line, he advised the party leadership to aggressively pursue Hindutva politics, making it clear that he was not opposed to Modi’s politics of Hindutva. He said the party should stand by none but Hindus, as only they vote for the BJP, Adhikari also suggested the dissolution of the party’s minority wing. “We will save Hindus and save the Constitution. I also spoke for the nationalist Muslims earlier. But in future I will speak only of Hindus. I will not say that anymore. Rather, Stop (saying) Sabka Sath, Sabka Vikas. There is no need for a Minority Morcha.”

In 2014, Prime Minister Modi had coined the Sabka Sath, Sabka Vikas slogan, and in 2019 he added Sabka Vishwas (everybody’s trust) to it. Just before 2024 Lok Sabha elections, he added Sabka Prayas (everybody’s effort) to it. Adhikari, a turncoat, setting his own parallel political line and outright rejecting Modi brand of politics has to be seen and evaluated in proper perspective. He is certainly not Yogi of Uttar Pradesh. Yogi has his own support base and even then he cannot think of openly challenging his authority. Obviously question arises where from Adhikari got the motivation to question Modi.

Insiders maintain that with Bengal attaining high order of political significance, a keen rivalry has emerged in the RSS and the BJP leadership to control the politics of the state. RSS through its sakhas has been active in the state for quite long and has set up nearly 2000 units. The state has witnessed phenomenal rise of RSS. It has also launched special programmes for youths to connect them with the RSS’ ideology. Most of the growth of the RSS has been noticed in the bordering districts. RSS has also been able to make its presence felt in districts like Malda and Uttar Dinajpur, comprising about 51% and 50% Muslim populations respectively.

RSS is worried at the existing political situation in the state. The leaders confess that state has not witnessed such an anti-Hindu government like the present TMC rule. Hindus here have realised that the RSS is the only option to protect their rights and their religious identities in West Bengal. Exploiting the alleged “appeasement” politics of the Trinamool Congress government RSS has been able to increase its membership in the state by almost 50% in the last ten years. One thing is clear before the RSS leadership that in order to expand in the state and have a deep anchor it must rope in the Hindus. Suvendu by rejecting the line of Modi has literally endorsed the policy of RSS.

In BJP circles, while Adhikari is known to be a protégé of Amit Shah, Yogi Adityanath is supposed to be close to RSS. For last couple of years Modi and Amit Shah have been trying to replace him but could not succeed in their mission as RSS favoured his continuance. In RSS he is rated as the much precious Hindu face, even more relevant than Modi. A section of the top RSS leadership nurse the feeling that whatever seat BJP could win in UP owes to Yogi. But this is not endorsed by some of the Modi-Amit loyalists. They accuse Yogi of alienating the Dalits and OBCs and they also attribute the shift of this section of the voters to Yogi’s policies of relying on upper caste Hindus, especially Rajputs.

Bansal and Khattar not questioning Adhikari or stopping him from asking him to refrain from criticising the political line of Modi has caused consternation in the party circles. Though state president Sukanta Majumdar did not endorse Adhikari’s comment, claiming that he was only a delegate to the meeting and had no role in fixing the party’s policy, he did not question his act. He tried to play safe by saying “BJP considers Muslims like poet Kazi Nazrul Islam and former President A.P.J. Abdul Kalam as assets of our country. The BJP will continue with this policy. What Suvendu Adhikari said is his personal opinion and not the party’s stand. Modi said in a meeting in Hyderabad last year that we would reach out to the Muslims, especially those who are backward, without expecting their votes.”

It is really inconceivable that a person like Suvendu could muster courage to challenge the political line of the supreme leader of the party. It is completely against the political ethos as well as political line of the central BJP leadership. It is indeed shocking for Narendra Modi that he is forced to hear from his party leaders in Bengal that his slogan will not continue any more.

Though at the meet some leaders dismissed Suvendu’s alternate line, the sources maintain that by and large all the leaders nurse the belief that Modi and Shah have failed the state. Both these Gujarati leaders could not comprehend the Bengali ethics and culture and tried to bulldoze the people of the state using their own perception. They were more concerned of promoting the business interest of their Gujarati businessmen. Similar feeling also reverberates the political corridor. The local entrepreneurs and even the sugar producers were feeling dejected.

The immediate reason for challenging the authority and leadership of Modi owes to two factors; first holding of assembly elections in Jharkhand, Haryana and Maharashtra. The RSS and the anti-Modi BJP leaders do not want Modi to choose the candidates as he has been doing in the past. Second, they also desire that the name of the new president to replace Nadda must be announced before August, while Modi and Shah intend to drag till December. This would help them to have their say in choosing the candidates.

Significantly Adityanath even within this crisis convened a meeting of his ministers to strategize for the upcoming by-elections. Both deputy chief ministers, Maurya and Brijesh Pathak, remained absent. This meeting acquired more importance for the reason that byelections for 10 assembly seats in the will take place in August. The main question that has cropped up is who will select the candidates; Modi or Yogi. During the meeting, responsibilities for each seat were assigned to three ministers, to ensure focused efforts in each constituency.

While both Yogi and Adhikari are against Modi’s sabka sath slogan,, they are desperate to emerge as the new face of anti-Muslim politics. In UP vendors have been asked to display their names in front of shops while the procession of the Kanwarias passes through the streets. It reminisces the infamous action of Hitler when Jews in Nazi Germany and German-occupied Europe were made to wear the yellow Star of David during World War II to prominently display their Jewish identity before the public in the years leading up to the Holocaust. AIMIM president Asaduddin Owaisi compared the move to Apartheid and Judenboykott, the boycott of Jewish businesses in Hitler’s Germany.

Adhikari’s line echos the same spirit and political line. He has been candid “We know that Muslims do not vote for us. Obviously there is no need to run after them”. In future he would adopt a hard anti-Muslim line implying that Bengal may witness communal clashes and social unrest. It is for the first time Suvendu said something like this. It makes explicit that BJP is striving for alternative space. Hard Hindutva failed the BJP in 2021as the leadership did adopt a mellowed stand towards Muslims. The mood of the deliberations at the two state committees and observations of the leaders leave no doubt that RSS is no more willing to allow space to Modi to project himself as the Hindu Hridaya Samrat. (IPA Service)

The article ‘BJP Will Work Only For Hindus’ Slogan Gaining Momentum Against Modi’s ‘Sabka Sath’ appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Kumar Shrivastav

Bangladesh’s Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s recent visit to China has sparked discussions about potential implications for regional dynamics, particularly in relation to India. Sheikh Hasina, who has visited India twice this year, had not travelled to China in five years prior to this recent trip from July 8 to 10.

The visit raised speculation in India about a possible strengthening of ties between Bangladesh and China. However, there is nothing that provides grounds for such speculations. During her stay, Sheikh Hasina met with Chinese President Xi Jinping but her major interactions took place with Premier Li Qiang. The discussions led to the signing of numerous Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs) aimed at bolstering business and investment relations. These MoUs were signed in areas including trade and investment, digital economy, infrastructure development, disaster management support, building of the sixth and ninth friendship bridges between Bangladesh and China, export of agricultural products from Bangladesh.

However, reports indicated that the Bangladeshi side returned with some level of dissatisfaction. Sheikh Hasina’s departure from Beijing a few hours earlier than scheduled was attributed to personal reasons, specifically her daughter’s health, rather than diplomatic motives. But the media reported that she was upset as China failed to meet her expectations.

The visit included a banquet hosted by Premier Li Qiang, a departure from the expected protocol which some analysts viewed as a symbolic gesture possibly indicative of China’s cautious approach to financial commitments. Bangladesh reportedly had hoped for substantial financial aid, around $5 billion, but China offered significantly less, approximately $125 million, leading to what could be perceived as a disappointment in terms of financial expectations.

China’s restrained approach in financial matters, reminiscent of its policies observed in dealings with Sri Lanka and other neighbours, emphasizes business partnerships over extensive financial aid, regardless of bilateral closeness. This policy, a hallmark of China’s foreign engagements, suggests a consistent strategy of economic collaboration without extravagant financial gestures.

Bangladesh’s foreign policy under Sheikh Hasina has strategically navigated between its ties with India and China, aiming for a balanced approach that has proven beneficial. This balanced diplomacy has contributed to Bangladesh achieving a more stable economy compared to neighbouring countries like Pakistan, Nepal, and Sri Lanka. Bangladesh’s ability to maintain robust relations with both India and China has been a cornerstone of its foreign policy success.

For India Bangladesh considers India a crucial export market and thus aims to maintain a balanced relationship with its eastern neighbour. However, the country also acknowledges the importance of China, particularly for financial and technical support in infrastructure development. China has a track record of providing loans and aid for large-scale infrastructure projects in various countries, including Sri Lanka, Maldives, and Nepal.

Sheikh Hasina has emerged as a steadfast friend of India, particularly as China’s influence continues to grow across South Asia. Her proactive engagement with India, alongside efforts to maintain a delicate balance with China, holds strategic significance for India’s foreign policy establishment.

India’s approach towards Bangladesh is multifaceted, influenced by concerns over minority rights within Bangladesh and complex relations with neighbouring countries like Pakistan, Maldives, and Myanmar. Amid regional geopolitics marked by Myanmar’s internal strife and its implications for bordering nations like India and Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina’s two quick visits to India in June is significant in how she prioritizes India. Her understanding of regional dynamics positions India as a pivotal player in balancing external influences. Sheikh Hasina’s diplomatic manoeuvres underscore Bangladesh’s nuanced approach to regional dynamics, recognizing India’s role in stabilizing the geopolitical landscape.

The abrupt departure of Bangladesh’s Prime Minister from Beijing may also have been influenced by ongoing student protests back home. University students in Bangladesh have taken to the streets in large numbers to protest against a recently implemented government recruitment policy. The policy grants preferences to children of war heroes and select high-ranking government officials in job placements, a move criticized by protesters who advocate for merit-based selection criteria. Critics allege that the system disproportionately benefits supporters of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s administration.

Despite a temporary suspension ordered by the highest court, demonstrations persist, with protesters demanding the permanent abolition or reform of the controversial policy. Government positions in Bangladesh are highly sought-after due to their stable employment and attractive benefits.

Student protests have historically played a pivotal role in Bangladesh’s struggle for independence and subsequent political movements. Consequently, any student agitation is viewed seriously as it has the potential to escalate tensions and disrupt public order. (IPA Service)

The article Sheikh Hasina Is Not Happy At The Outcome Of Her Talks In Beijing appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

Amidst the euphoria of massive victory for Labour party in the parliamentary elections in Britain, there is certainly a bad news for its leader and now Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer that his arch bête noire Jeremy Corbyn has defeated Keir’s nominee with a huge margin from the traditional Labour constituency. This may be inconsequential development. But certainly, it sends a strong message that Labour rank and file are not fully with Keir Starmer notwithstanding his leading the Labour to a big win. In July 4 polls.

Even the rightist leader Nigel Farage holds this view. Just after the results were announced, he came out with his prophetic observation that “historic Labour win isn’t rise of the Left”. While Conservatives, the party symbolizing the rightist politics and philosophy badly lost the election, it is noteworthy that Nigel Farage’s right wing Reformist UK, the party which was floated just five weeks ahead of the election, emerged as the third-largest in the UK in terms of vote share.

It is astonishing how could Rishi Sunak not feel the pulse of the people and the political changes, precisely shift of personal loyalty, is taking place at the ground level. The right leaning voters and people deserted their old party and opted for Reform UK. This underscores deficit of trust in the present Conservative leaders.

In this backdrop, victory of Keir’s Labour Party ought to be not treated as the victory of the left. Victory of Corbyn and the rise of Nigel Farage and his right-wing Reform UK make it explicit that it would be wrong to say that the UK election is about the rise of the pro people Labour Party instead it symbolises resurrection of centre right politics in another format. The Left leaders of the Party have been ousted or under subjugation.

Farage’s Reform UK, just within five weeks of its formation succeeded in getting 14.3% of the votes which comes as a counter to the Labour’s sweep of the polls. But Labour managed to increase its vote share by just 1.7 per cent from its earlier vote share of 33.9 per cent achieved under Corbyn’s leadership. Obviously it implied that Keir has not done some big magic.

The Britons hold the view that Tory became victim to its internal sabotage, something like palace intrigues. Ever since Sunak revolted against Boris Johnson and became Prime Minister, Boris, the former prime minister has been creating problems for him. Some six months back even a plan was hatched to unseat him. Interestingly Boris congratulated his old pal Nigel Farage but ignored Keir Starmer, the man who led the Labour Party to a landslide. At one stage Farage had shown solidarity with Boris Johnson’s move to pull down Sunak.

Rumours are making the round in the Conservative circle that some of the Tory leaders may prefer to thrown their support to Farage and join him. These leaders believe that Tories are not capable to challenge Labour. They are looking towards Farage how his Reform UK changes and shapes up the UK politics. Meanwhile a section of the senior Tory leaders nurse the view that Farage should come back and his Reform UK is accommodated by the Conservatives.

At least three main reasons are being cited for Conservative defeat and Sunak’s poor leadership. First has been his decision to leave early from the 80-year D-day commemorations in northern France on June 6. It was perceived as his disrespect to the veterans and diminished the U.K.’s international standing. Other world leaders including President Joe Biden, French President Emmanuel Macron, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz and Ukrainian leader Volodymyr Zelenskyy all were present. Labour leader Keir Starmer was also present.

His second reason that is being mentioned is his lack of understanding of Britain’s economy. He boasted a lot but could not offer a viable alternative, the idea to overcome the crisis. Even the top bankers and economists were sceptical of his moves. His pedigree could not help him much beyond a certain stage.

The third reason has been his identifying with Narendra Modi and Hindutva too much. This stance distanced the Muslims as also the secular Hindus of Indian origin from Sunak’s party. He had made point to eulogise Modi at any event. Hindu organisations close to RSS have words of praise for him. Sunak took pride in identifying himself as Hindu. Initially the Hindus of Britain admired Modi for all his actions and decisions. But in recent months they had turned bitter critics. This attitudinal change primarily owes to Rahul’s meetings and discussions with the members of Indian diaspora. Sunak ironically failed to pickup this signal and continued to extend his support to Modi. The election results make apparent the massive switch over of the Indian diaspora members to Labour.

Indians are in quite large number in Britain. Currently, the British Indian population exceeds 1.9 million people in the UK, making them the single largest visible ethnic minority population in the country. 42.9% of people from the Indian ethnic group were born in the UK. In 2021, people born outside the UK made up an estimated 14.4% of the UK’s population, or 9.5 million people. According to a study, the percentage of Indian population in the age groups of 30 to 34 is 11.2 per cent in comparison to white British who constitute 5.6 per cent; 20 to 24 6.3% and 8.4%; 15 to 19 6.2% and 5.9%.

It is also a fact that Indians by and large keep distance from Labour, though it has many Indian faces as its leaders. The reason is obvious. They don’t intend to jeopardize their interest. They were against Corbyn and his left wing policies. After the takeover of the Labour Party by Starmer, many of those Indians supporting the Tories shifted to Labour despite having an India origin Prime Minister Rishi Sunak. The British Indians will be watching the moves of the new Labour Prime Minister. (IPA Service)

The article Bruised Tories May Turn More Right By Joining Hands With Nigel Farage appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Kumar Shrivastav

Nepal’s tumultuous politics is once again at it, threatening to replace the current government with a new one. The one-and-a-half-year-old government headed by Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal’ Prachanda’ has been pushed to minority after the former Prime Minister KP Sharma’s CPN-UML with 78 members in the 275-member House of Representatives withdrew from the government on July 2. Prachanda, famously known in the Himalayan nation, has said he would not resign but face a no-confidence vote in the next 30 days. Prachanda’s Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre) has 30 members in the House of Representatives.

After hitting a deadlock with its former alliance partner, Nepali Congress, the single-largest party with 89 members, Prachanda forged an alliance with CPN-UML on March 4 and signed an 8-point agreement to run the government on consensus. The differences in the alliance emerged after the recent budget, which supposedly did not go well with the Oli camp.

While Prachanda has survived four no-confidence motions in the last one-and-a-half years by forging last-minute alliances with one of the two big parties, this time, both the big parties, Nepali Congress and CPN-UML, have come together to dislodge the wily Prachanda from power. They have agreed to a power-sharing formula that covers not only the national government but also the six provincial governments. Nepali Congress and CPN-UML have 167 members in parliament, way ahead of the majority of 128 seats.

For the first one-and-a-half years, Oli will become the prime minister, and then the Nepali Congress will have its turn to appoint a prime minister from its party. Nepali Congress president Sher Bahadur Deuba is said to be an India-favourite, while Oli is known for his China inclination.

However, the power-sharing formula reached between the two biggest political parties in Nepal’s politics doesn’t pronounce a dead-end for Prachanda, who has been pursuing an independent policy as the Prime Minister and not giving in to pressures from the big parties. In regional South Asian politics, Prachanda has been steadily working to project the image that Kathmandu can take an independent stance and not give in to pressures from either India or China.

Two notable developments in the recent past underscore Prachanda’s refusal to come under pressure on important issues. In the first instance, his government cracked down on the Chaudhary Group, led by the country’s only billionaire and politically influential Vinod Chaudhary. His brother Arun Chaudhary was arrested in February in a land-grab case dating back over 30 years.

In another incident, China’s ambassador to Nepal, Chen Song, was involved in an angry spat with a journalist on X (formerly Twitter). The point of contention was China charging an excessive interest rate for its loan to build Pokhara International Airport. The airport commissioned in January was built by a Chinese company at a cost of $216 million.

According to the media reports, Chinese lenders are charging a higher interest rate for loans than was formally agreed upon. To this, the Chinese ambassador, conspicuous by his over-enthusiasm for outdoor engagements, enjoying the country’s rich culture and traditions, and attending even small events enthusiastically, reacted angrily, seeking the journalist to prove his allegations. In his reply, the journalist referred to government documents as the basis of his allegation and reminded the Chinese diplomat not to threaten journalists in a country where he is a guest.

Chen Song moved on and soon posted a message rooting for the success of the Nepali cricket team. Subsequently, more similar messages followed.

However, this spat sharply highlighted China’s growing influence in Nepal.

Unlike other politicians, Prachanda is not fond of making friends or being part of lobbies. He is a friend of neither China nor India. Even in Nepali politics, he prefers to remain aloof than hobnobbing with opportunistic elements. It explains why his party is not the biggest in his county despite his big political stature. His tenure as the Prime Minister hints at his understanding of how development can be brought to the people.

For example, since January this year, leading international newspapers and magazines have been reporting how Nepal has become a luxury tourist destination, leaving behind its image of a hippy haven for backpackers. A travel writer took a 5-day trip to Muktinath in Mustang, costing him a whopping $7000. Nepal has seen rapid strides in attracting investments in luxury tourism, and the country boasts high-budget facilities at premier tourist destinations. It has left behind Bhutan and is fast catching up with the Maldives in high-budget tourism.

Prachanda’s focus on the pro-people agenda is seen in several other areas. For example, a few days back, he rode a tractor in a muddy paddy field, stressing that he would make Nepal self-sufficient in rice production.

While another government can replace Prachanda as the Prime Minister, replacing him from Nepal’s collective psyche is difficult. (IPA Service)

The article Prime Minister Prachanda Is Finally Cornered In The Fluid Nepal Politics appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

General election results in India have always been extraordinary and have thrown new set of political leaders. This year’s polls while were a moral victory for the INDIA bloc and marked the setback to communal politics, it also threw two young leaders, Rahul Gandhi and Akhilesh Yadav, in public arena who exhibited rare wisdom of taking on the rightist and communal forces head on and defeating them convincingly in the battle field. Their gains are of paramount importance for the reason that they could accomplish their mission at a time when most of the master-politicians, leaders of the people, had preferred to play safe and refrain from confronting Narendra Modi, who is acting as the mascot of the communal forces in the country.

The victory of the INDIA alliance in Uttar Pradesh has been a landmark triumph as these leaders have come to personify the aspirations and ambitions of the backward classes, Dalits, and minorities in the State. It is indeed a tough task to compare and contrast them. While Rahul is perceived as the new ideologue of the secular, democratic and centrist forces, Akhilesh is being attributed as the architect of the new front of the poor, backwards, proletariats and Dalits.

This is clearly embedded in his observation “victory is a testament to the power of the PDA (Pichda, Dalit, and Alpsankhyak) strategy. He wrote on X “it is a landmark victory of the trust reposed by the Dalit-Bahujan community which, along with the backward classes, minorities, tribals and all the neglected, oppressed and exploited sections, along with pro-democratic forces who fought shoulder-to-shoulder to save the Constitution which gives them the right to equality, respect, dignified life and reservation”.

Surprisingly, Akhilesh was written off as a major challenger to authoritarianism and communalism, by most of the political analysts. He had to face bitter criticism for his over reliance on his Yadav supporters. In fact in 2022 assembly election of the state, he had ignored the suggestions of his supporters and friends to rope in the Dalits and proletariats. Akhilesh had to face ridicule from senior leaders, even from BSP chef Mayawati of despising Dalits. Some of the Dalit leaders who were with Samajwadi Party nevertheless deserted it during the 2022 assembly elections.

Prominent dalit face O P Rajbhar shifted his loyalty to BJP accusing Akhilesh of not respecting dalit sentiment. Just ahead of it, while talks for seat sharing between anti-BJP parties were going on, the emerging young dalit face Chandrashekar Azad aka Ravan, walked out as Akhilesh was unwilling to concede his demand. The alliance between Azad and Akhilesh did not clique. Akhilesh and Chandrashekar had to call off the alliance. Though SP cadres and leaders ridiculed him for walking out of the alliance , he triumphed in his lone crusade against BJP and won by more than 3 lakh votes.

Muslims of UP were also maintaining distance from Akhilesh for his not giving due respect to senior SP leader Azam Khan. The situation for Akhilesh took a turn for better only after Rahul Gandhi’s Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra entered UP. Akhilesh could comprehend the need for changing his electoral strategy. His accompanying Rahul in Nyay Yatra simply reinforced the truth.

It is worth recalling that even while opposition leaders were having meetings and confabulations for evolving INDIA bloc, Akhilesh would project his Pichde, Dalit and Alpasankhyak platform as the only visible alternative.. But after Rahul’s strategic entry into UP politics and his ideological approach having valid takers, Akhilesh gave priority to electoral concept of INDIA. He combined ‘Pichde (backward), Dalit, Alpasankhyak (minorities)’ idea with a focus on farmer issues, joblessness, paper leaks and rising prices and caught the imagination of the people. It turned out to be best poll strategy at that moment.

Dalits constitute 21 per cent of the state’s population and have hundreds of sub castes; of them, the Jatavs form the largest group with 11-15 per cent. The Jatavs, a more politically conscious group, have been loyal to BSP and its leader “Dalit ki Beti”, as Mayawati identified herself. They had shifted their allegiance to BJP as they were feeling hurt at Mayawati diluting BR Ambedkar’s, mission the emancipation of the oppressed classes.

The change of electoral strategy and issue of representation of the Dalits and other 90 per cent of the poor in governance which was systematically raised by Rahul fundamentally altered the political scenario and priorities for Akhilesh on the eve of the Lok Sabha polls..In the wake of this realization, Akhilesh worked out fresh social realignment and roped in Dalits and other backwards. The Yadavs who had antagonistic relations with Dalits and other backward castes were relegated in the priority list.

While Akhilesh gave five seats to Yadavs that too belonging to his own family, he fielded 27 candidates from non-Yadav OBC castes. Nine of them were given to Kurmis, four to Nishads and 6 to Maurya-Kushwaha-Shakya caste conglomerate. Besides 17 Dalit candidates in reserved constituencies, Akhilesh made a symbolic gesture by fielding two more Dalit candidates from general constituencies. The seat-wise results show that this strategy clicked. Awadhesh Prasad in Faizabad, fielded as the SP’s Dalit face, managed to attract most of the 24% Dalit votes in the constituency and defeated the BJP in the land of Ayodhya. Akhilesh also fielded 11 upper-caste candidates (four Brahmins, two Thakurs, two Vaishyas, and three from other upper castes).

The SP-led INDIA bloc in U.P. put up an impressive performance by winning 43 out of the State’s 80 Lok Sabha seats with the SP alone securing 37 seats and the Congress emerging victorious on six. The outcome was a major dent to the image of Narendra Modi who had sought votes by offering guarantees on his image and name. BJP could manage to win 36 seats and its allies Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) got two seats and Apna Dal (Soneylal) one.

The issues raised by Rahul also helped Samajwadi Party in shattering the hypothesis that Dalits and Yadavs can never unite in UP. As per caste assessments based on exit polls, 65 per cent of Scheduled Caste votes polled went to the SP; an increase of 21 per cent as compared to 2019 polls. Of these, 32 per cent wereJatav votes. Resounding victory of INDIA in Uttar Pradesh will undoubtedly have a major impact on the other Hindi speaking states as also on the state assembly polls in 2027.

Akhilesh Yadav has already shown signs of his shifting his focus to national politics by retaining his Kannauj Lok Sabha seat from where he emerged victorious in the Lok Sabha elections. It was earlier said that he would prefer to keep the assembly seat and resign the Lok Sabha seat. His decision to move to national politics has two major implications: he would look for a nationwide space to operate and second with the possibility of Modi government bowing out of power in near future, the INDIA bloc would come to power. In that backdrop ,he may emerge as a prominent national leader, which will help him to keep the political operations in UP under his watch.

The caste combination and structure in Bihar will not be amenable to Akhilesh. While Yadavs and Muslims are solidly behind RJD of Lalu Yadav, the dalits, OBCs, EBCs and mahadalits are with JD(U) and CPI(ML). At least this election has rendered a significant service to Akhilesh. Political circle is abuzz with the murmuring that if there is one leader who learnt the right lessons from this election and his company with Rahul, it is Akhilesh. Instead of focusing on petty issues, Akhilesh has learnt the art of combining state level issues with the national issues. This will help him broaden his support base.

Rahul and Akhilesh have succeeded in projecting Constitution as the identity symbol of Dalits and poor of the country. Their messages for job creation and implementation of reservation — proportionate to the population (“Jitni aabadi, utna haq”)—has caught the imagination of the poor , Dalits and common people. The combination of Akhilesh and Rahul can be considered as a bombshell in national politics of the country having potential to eliminate the third time Prime Minister Narendra Modi even before he completes his tenure in 2029. (IPA Service)

The article Akhilesh Yadav Has Emerged As The Most Successful Leader Of INDIA Bloc In Lok Sabha Polls appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

It was a shaken and short of self confidence Narendra Modi on July 2 in Parliament.. Notwithstanding being insipid and incoherent, his reply to motion on President’s speech was purely an attempt to gain back his aura of “Political Invincibility”, which unfortunately he could not accomplish. Modi having the reputation of a flawless orator and articulator of ideas, was falling short of words to convey his mind. He was seen faltering and getting stuck up midway.

Unlike his earlier speeches, on Tuesday , he read out from the script with frequently sipping water kept on his desk, after every couple of sentences.

There is no ambiguity that lowered the prestige of Lok Sabha while replying to motion of thanks on President’s speech, by resorting to frequent use of unparliamentary language and derogatory words against the Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi. He used the word “jhoot” (lie) an unparliamentary word at least 30 times to ridicule and denigrate Rahul. Though he targeted Rahul, his speech nevertheless sent message that he was tired and defensive. It also manifested that he was feeling helpless, disappointed and bewildered. Had it not been the case, he would not have turned belligerent and vindictive towards Rahul.

His manner and style of delivering the dialogue inside Lok Sabha sent an honest message that he is yet to come out of the power hangover; it still intoxicates him. He had nothing new to say and offer. His speech was more of the nature of street electoral campaign. It lacked seriousness and purpose. His only resolve was to abuse and insinuate Rahul, not even the entire Congress, least to speak of the opposition leaders. His speech was simply rhetoric in nature.

His insinuating Rahul and hurling impolite jibes at him, underscored that he treats him as the main culprit for his defeat in the election. Else there was no reason for Modi to insult and humiliate Rahul hiding behind the facade of mimicry and turning the occasion into a laughter show. Pain of his hurt ego was clearly manifest in Modi requesting Birla to take stern action against Rahul for his attack on him on Tuesday in the house and outright warning the opposition to get ready to face music, that too on the floor of Lok Sabha.

In past the parliament had not witnessed any prime minister behaving in such a ridiculous manner and stooping so low simply for satisfying his ego and showing his opponent in poor light. The house was completely in the state of shock when Modi started enumerating cases pending against Rahul and recalling the National Herald episode. The members were wondering whether he was sending the message that Rahul would be victimised soon?

He spoke for two and half hours ignoring chants of “Manipur, Manipur” for the entire duration as he vociferously attacked Rahul Gandhi and dubbed the Congress a “parasite” party: “Now the Congress will be known as a parasitic Congress from 2024. The Congress that exists in 2024 is a parasitic Congress and a parasite is one that eats the body in which it lives. The Congress also feeds on the votes of the party with which it forms an alliance and prospers at the expense of its ally”.

Master of theatrics and speaking lies, Modi described Rahul as “balak buddhi” (infantile intelligence), twisted his remarks that RSS and BJP leaders and Modi were not thikedars of Hinduism, and accused them of denigrating the Hindu community by terming it “violent”. Simply with the aim to arouse Hindu passion, he resorted to blatant lies by saying; “Today there is a conspiracy to make false allegations against Hindus. A serious conspiracy is going on. It was said that Hindus are violent. These are your values, this is your character, this is your thinking, and this is your hatred? These atrocities against the Hindus of this country… this country is not going to forget this for centuries”.

There is a famous proverb “Kahin par nigahen kahin par nishana” (Looking at one place and aiming at another). Undoubtedly Rahul was the prime target of Modi, but he also intended to warn the RSS in no uncertain words. His giving a clean chit to his own government for its performance during last ten years was a rebuff to the RSS leaders censuring him for his failure and simply trying to project his larger-than-life image. Only just in the middle of the Lok Sabha elections RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat’s observation on the functioning of the government had created lot of controversy. Truely speaking, Modi tried to kill two birds with one arrow.

Modi is known as a versatile orator who keeps his audience spell bound, but on Thursday he was at his lowest ebb. His attempt to turn a mole into a hill by saying “Now, the Hindu community has to think whether it was a mere sanyog (coincidence) or preparation of a big prayog (experiment).There is a serious conspiracy by the “INDI Alliance” to defame and demean Hindu religion”, got drowned in the opposition chorus “chor chor”.

This was also for the first time in the history of parliament that the opposition interrupted Modi’s speech the moment he began delivering. He was shouted down by the opposition who raised slogans in the Well of the Lok Sabha seeking “justice for Manipur” and repudiating what he said.

Once again, he substantiated the common perception that he has been ruling the country for last ten years on the avaricious use of state machinery instead of resorting to political device. While Rahul Gandhi had floored him using the politics as the tool, Modi on the contrary requested the Speaker Om Birla to take ‘strict action’ over Rahul Gandhi’s remarks on his claim of being Hindu. He painted Rahul’s observation as a potential threat to the polity of the nation.

Though before ending his reply Modi tried to portray his old aggressive posture and even claimed “don’t think Modi has changed. He could not be changed”, the fact was otherwise, he tried to present himself as victim and strained to gain the sympathy of the people. His saying; “Modi cannot be scared by such obstacles (the protests). No amount of uproar can suppress the truth. Bahut anand aaya. Aaj maine satya ki taqat kya hoti hai dekh liya (I enjoyed it a lot. Today I realised the strength of truth),” was simply an attempt to hide his nervousness.

The most bizarre was his telling lies and distorting the facts, even after being aware that the people of the country know the truth. As his assertion that people voted for NDA for facilitating Modi to provide a good governance and Congress performing miserably in the Lok Sabha elections and depriving the INDIA constituents of their share of seats.

Nothing could be more blatant lie than this. How could he dare to make people believe his falsehood? The people rejected him and his “guarantees”. He had fought the election on his own credibility and image. His lieutenant J P Nadda had even disowned RSS. The people did not give majority to BJP. Modi had to be content with only 240 seats. The NDA about which he gleefully boasts was formed only after the election results were announced. NDA had ceased to exist since 2014, the year Modi became the prime minister for the first time. Since then, no  attempt was made to revive it, as it was not needed; One Modi was more than enough for combined others. (IPA Service)

The article Narendra Modi’s reply to President’s address debate lacked self-confidence appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

For the first time in his ten-year rule, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, proclaimed to be the super-leader to shape the destiny of India, wore a pitiable, visibly shaken and dejected look sitting in the front row of the treasury benches in Lok Sabha, while Rahul Gandhi, who has been assigned the constitutional task of being the Leader of Opposition, shredded his assiduously-built and nurtured-at-massive-cost image of ‘Hindu Hridaya Samrat’.

Modi, who arrogantly boasted of being the ‘Vishwa Guru’ and the ‘creator of New India’ would face this nature of jibe and derision from Rahul, the Gandhi scion who till recently was derided by him as “Pappu” and “Shahzada”. Rahul did not simply berate Modi’s brand of Hindutva based on fear and hate, he even told him on his face on the floor of the Lok Sabha “you are not a true Hindu”. Rahul said: “Narendra Modi doesn’t represent the entire Hindu samaj. BJP-RSS doesn’t represent the entire Hindu samaj.”

Something unimaginable happened in the house. Modi who usually preferred to skip the proceedings of the house, for the first time not only remained seated in his chair, instead he rose twice to defend himself. None could have imagined that Rahul, who till the other day was not taken seriously by the urban middle class and dismissed by the BJP leaders as non-serious person, who is yet to attain the status of a master politician, would floor Modi on the mat. Members of the house and people across the country were witnessing the rare sight of a shaken Modi and Shah intervening repeatedly, and ironically enough, urging the Speaker for ‘protection’!

Unable to face the onslaught from Rahul, Union home minister Amit Shah even lost his cool and went to extent of blaming the Speaker, Om Birla, who is a BJP member, known for having a harsh and tough approach towards the Opposition, of being soft towards Rahul. Shah said: “Aap ek tarfa niyomo ke upar jaake unko riyata de rahe ho, manyavar. Humein sangrakshit kariye, aise nahi chalta (You are ignoring rules to give them one-sided concessions. Protect us, this isn’t acceptable)”.

No doubt, Rahul created a history in the Lok Sabha. Rahul took Modi head on. He exposed the PM’s claim of being the ‘Hindu Hridaya Samrat’ by saying “Aap Hindu ho hi nahi! (You are not a Hindu). In the Hindu religion, it’s written, ‘Stand with the truth, don’t step back from the truth, don’t fear the truth’. Non-violence is our creed”. Modi’s two-decade-long Hindu saviour image, manufactured painstakingly from the days of the 2002 Gujarat pogrom, was delivered a massive blow by Rahul’s firebrand speech as the Leader of Opposition.

Modi and Shah desperately tried to turn the situation in their favour, but failed miserably. In their attempt to polarise Hindus, they tried to project Rahul as anti-Hindu. But this too did not work. Rahul succeeded in his mission to paint Modi as a communal leader who was using religion for his political gains. To substantiate his observation, Rahul cited the preaching of Lord Shiva. He said: “Shivji kahte hain, ‘daro mat, darao mat’ (Lord Shiva says, ‘Don’t be afraid and don’t make others afraid’). He shows the fearless posture, talks about non-violence… and those who call themselves Hindu, they talk about violence, hatred and falsehood round the clock”.

Though Rahul in past had questioned Modi’s claim of representing the aspirations of Hindus, it was first occasion when he shattered this claim on the floor of the house. Citing the message of Abhay Mudra, he said that a true Hindu cannot indulge in violence and falsehood. He challenged Modi and Shah’s claim of being real Hindus and presenting Hindu values. Obviously, this was not at all palatable for them. Shah tried to generalize Rahul’s pointed criticism by saying that the Leader of Opposition was accusing all Hindus of resorting to violence. Modi and Shah accused Gandhi of labelling Hindus as violent. Gandhi clarified that his remarks were targeted at the BJP, not Hinduism, emphasising that true Hinduism promotes courage and peace.

Even Rahul’s admirers would have been astonished to see him so unsparing in his criticism of Modi and attacking him from the front. The intensity of Rahul’s attack could be gauged from the simple fact that Amit Shah, the formidable home minister of India who is known for shouting down the opposition members, rose at least five times and even pleaded for “sanrakshan” (protection) from Speaker Om Birla.

Rahul Gandhi invoked ‘Abhay Mudra’ of Lord Shiva to expose the religious hypocrisy of Modi and criticise the government for its “full-scale assault on the idea of India, the Constitution, and those who resisted these attacks”. The message of Abhay Mudra (gesture of fearlessness) is quite significant. Lord Shiva in his sitting posture sends the message that do not fear. Fight the evil. Rahul Gandhi described ‘abhay mudra’ as the next step of Lord in the evolution of facing truth and non-violence and to illustrate the strength they derived from the deity. [Interesting coincidence then that the Congress’ party symbol, the hand, has a striking similarity with the ‘Abhay Mudra’, and surely, there will soon be academic reflections on the political acuity of the reference.]

Rahul had brought placards carrying the pictures of various religious leaders and Hindu Gods. It was after being pointed out by Shah and other MPs, Birla interrupted Gandhi, advising him that “rules don’t allow the display of placards”. Though the remark drew immediate criticism from Gandhi, Birla did not ask him to remove those placards from house. Rahul replied: “I wanted to show the image because it represents ideas that we in the opposition defend.”

Effectively, in one single stroke, Rahul smashed the edifice of Hindutva built by RSS, BJP and Modi over the last ten years of Modi Raj. Though Modi bhakts as usual were highly critical of Rahul’s attacks, the people on the streets appreciated his bulldozing the structure of hatred created by RSS and Modi surrounding Hindutva. People were appreciative of the fearlessness of Rahul, his rare variety of courage and conviction to take the BJP-RSS hate machine head on. Even while interrupting Rahul’s speech, Shah tried to resort to his old tactics of terrorising his opponent. He urged the speaker to ask Rahul to apologise to the House and the country for hurting the feelings of crores of people who take pride in identifying themselves as Hindus.

The speech of Rahul was so absorbing and focused that Congress members consented to Speaker’s query whether their time should be allotted to Rahul. While Rahul was focussed, none of the BJP stalwarts could counter his allegations through facts. On the issue of providing MSP, the concerned minister tried to counter the allegation by saying that it was being given, but he preferred to remain silent when Rahul pointed out that the farmers’ demand for legal guarantee has not meet met with. On the issue of providing compensation to Agniveer soldiers, defence minister Rajnath Singh was seen hedging around saying that a soldier was paid one crore as compensation. But on this count he could not reply to Rahul’s observation that Agniveer soldiers and regular army soldiers are the best persons to certify the real position.

Modi and Shah today miserably failed in their attempt to divert the attention of the house and distract the debate. Unsurprisingly, Shah spoke of the Emergency and 1984 anti-Sikhs riots instead of replying to Rahul’s charges. Shah said Rahul had no right to talk about non-violence when the Congress had spread “terror” in the country. But this attack from Shah could not deter Rahul in his pointed criticism of the Modi-Shah duopoly.

Commentators have already observed how in the backdrop of Modi’s serial and staggering assault on the constitutional bedrock of the country, the charges against Indira Gandhi pale in comparison. She had formally suspended fundamental rights, imprisoned leaders and imposed censorship, but it was for a short period of two years. But India under Modi has been witnessing an undeclared emergency for the last ten years, since he took over the office of prime minister. Many leading scholars and academics, even social and political activists are languishing in jails for years. Journalists are terrorised and even killed. Father Stan Swamy, a prominent human rights activist, died while in custody on July 5, 2022. He was even denied a sippy cup despite having serious medical conditions.

Modi had showed to the world that emergency could be imposed even without using the Constitutional provisions. It was his intention to incapacitate the democratic system and functioning that he disregarded the parliament and its practices. The three draconian bills, the Bharat Nyay Samhita, which came in force from July 1, were never debated in the house. They were adopted without vote after 146 members of Parliament were expelled from the house. There are many examples of this nature of wilful violation. It was quite revealing to listen to Rahul saying: “I was attacked on the orders of Prime Minister Modi. There were 20-plus cases (against me), (my) house was taken away, 55 hours of interrogation by the ED”.

Gandhi accused Modi of a “systematic and full-scale assault on the idea of India, the Constitution, and those who resisted this attack. Some of the leaders are still in jail. Anyone who resisted the idea of concentration of power and wealth, aggression on poor & Dalits and minorities was crushed”. He even said: “I was attacked by the order ofGovt of India, by the order of the Prime Minister of India…The most enjoyable part of it was the 55 hours of interrogation by ED…”.

Modi will certainly refute the accusations and allegations levelled against him by Rahul Gandhi while delivering his speech on the motion of thanks on President’s address. Already, the entire corporate media ecosystem has been activated to discredit Rahul once again, describing him as ‘anti-Hindu’ and insinuating that he ‘insulted Hindus’. However, no amount of saffron-washing will succeed in repairing the damage inflicted by Rahul Gandhi’s scathing expose in the floor of the House. India finally has a worthy Leader of Opposition in the lower House of the Parliament. (IPA Service)

The article Modi’s Days Of Lording Over Parliament Like A Monarch Ends At Last appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

Congress leader Rahul Gandhi by accepting Narendra Modi’s nominee Om Birla as the Speaker of Lok Sabha without a division in the house on June 26 has not set a good example as the leader of the opposition in Lok Sabha in his first confrontation with the third time Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Rahul gave the impression of being a leader who believes in democratic functioning but his rival Modi has not changed, he remains stuck to his old authoritarian moorings. Rahul even did not try for a deal over deputy speakership for opposition while allowing Modi to nominate Om Birla as speaker for the second time.

The real reason what made Rahul to be soft on Birla issue Birla is not yet known, but one thing is explicit that through his action. Rahul has simply endorsed the observation that Rahul is yet to learn realpolitik. In parliamentary politics the political leaders are supposed to follow certain ethical norms. But Rahul has been fighting a battle crucial for the survival of the country, its democratic structure and sovereignty against a PM who has no faith in democratic values.

Rahul and his advisers must feel elated at the so called political gains made out of his gesture for supporting Birla and may even describe it as an astute political move, but the fact cannot be denied that he has committed a big blunder, which would prove to be the proverbial beginning of Modi dictating his terms.

INDIA bloc emerging as a major force and Congress winning nearly 100 seats, adding around 48 seats to its earlier strength, was construed as a step towards decline of the rightist and communal forces represented by BJP. But today’s development makes it abundantly clear that it is not true. Modi has once again proved beyond doubt that by getting his protégé chosen as Speaker of Lok Sabha he had upbraided RSS and Rahul Gandhi. It demolishes the perception that Rahul is an astute politician.

It is beyond discernment how could Rahul forget the manner in which Birla joined Modi’s initiative to decapicitate the parliamentary system. Even a common citizen of the country is yet to forget how he suspended around 140 parliamentarians and threw them out of the house and using their absence allowed Modi to have three draconian laws, replacing IPC, CrPC and Evidence Act passed by the house. What an irony these three laws in their new avatars will become operative from July 1. It was under his rule Mahua Moitra, a TMC MP was thrown out of house. Incidentally Rahul himself had been victim of his vindictive action; he was disqualified as member of the Lok Sabha on 24 March 2023.

One simple question should have struck Rahul; why was Modi adamant to bring back Birla as the Speaker? Probably the answer to this question is known to everyone except Rahul. Om Birla takes his orders from Modi and acts on it. What happened in Lok Sabha on June 26 simply underscores that he has not changed. After occupying the chair he assured the members that he would ensure smooth functioning of the house, but soon after Birla read out a resolution condemning the imposition of Emergency and flaying then prime minister Indira Gandhi for her attack on the Constitution.

BJP members protested in the Parliament Complex, targeting the Congress over the imposition of Emergency in 1975 and demanded the opposition party’s apology for violating the Constitution. The most shocking was Modi appreciating Birla for his condemnation of the Emergency and Indira Gandhi and said it was a wonderful gesture to stand in silence in honour of all those who suffered during those days.

The scene prevailing in the house made it abundantly clear that it was planned earlier. Sources maintain that this was to happen on June 25, coinciding with the date Emergency was slapped. It was expected that Birla would be sworn in that day. Somehow it did not happen and Birla took oath on June 26. By targeting Indira Gandhi, Modi also sent a very loud and clear message that Nehru-Gandhi family continues to be his prime target. In fact he wanted to portray that he is above Pandit Nehru and this is the reason that his becoming prime minister for three successive term is being highlighted.

Of late Rahul has been carrying copy of the Constitution where ever he goes. Rahul had exhibited copy of Constitution while Modi took oath as member of the house. Modi for some time has been contemplating to snub him and finally he chose June 25 as the day to attack Indira and insult Rahul. Else there was no rationale for Birla abruptly condemning Emergency and adopting a resolution reproving Indira, which was imposed 50 years ago. This was also a shrewd move of Modi to snatch the initiative from Rahul’s hand and put him on defensive. INDIA bloc has been consistently describing his ten-year rule as period of undeclared emergency.

Modi has not changed. He even did not bother for the counselling and good words from RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat. He conveyed this message to the members of the Lok Sabha through Pro-tem Speaker Bhartruhari Mahtab, a BJP member, who in turn did not press for a division of votes. Though opposition was not agreeable to his nomination, it reconciled and accepted him as the protem Speaker. Modi ultimately managed to have his way.

Later Congress MP Jairam Ramesh clarified that the opposition has not asked for division of votes as a constructive step from their end. He said, “I am telling you formally, we didn’t ask for division of votes. We didn’t ask for it because we found it appropriate that there be a consensus on the first day, that there be an atmosphere of consensus on the first day. This was a constructive step from our end. We could have asked for division (of votes).”

But senior TMC leader Abhishek Banerjee clarified that the pro-tem speaker did not allow voting in the election for the Lok Sabha speaker even as several opposition MPs sought a division of votes. He said “The rule says that if any member of the House asks for division, the pro-tem speaker has to allow it. You can clearly see and hear from the footage of the Lok Sabha that several members of the opposition sought and asked for a division”. Pro-tem Speaker Bhartruhari Mahtab made the announcement after the opposition, which had forwarded the name of eight-term Congress MP Kodikunnil Suresh as its candidate, did not press for votes to the motion. Even TMC MP Kirti Azad said at least eight opposition members had sought a division.

The two divergent versions make it absolutely clear that leaders of INDIA bloc have not evolved a concrete strategy for floor ordination inside the house and had not visualised that situation like this may erupt. They were caught unguarded. Rahul trying to play Samaritan proved him costly. Rahul ought to have realised that the people had voted for him to govern. INDIA unfortunately could not get the required number. It was a mandate for him to fight and unseat the anti-democratic rightist force. Ironically instead of responding to the peoples’ desire, he virtually abdicated his responsibility.

Rahul must realise that simply ideological rhetoric is not enough. He must ensure that the people who feel baptised and had responded to his exhortation should not feel betrayed. Through their speeches in response to the appeals by the opposition members, Modi and Birla made it explicit that they would not change their track and in all probability they would become more ruthless.

Rahul aspires to be recognised as a seasoned but rationale politician with a humane face, naturally he ought to acquire the skill and political acumen to read between the lines. Two developments should have made him cautious. First, the vibes emanating from 28 BJP MPs. Political circle was already abuzz of their desire to distance from Modi.. It was sign of their protest to Modi’s nominee. These are hard core RSS loyalists. They nurse the feeling that Modi must be contained. Second, refusal of Modi to concede the opposition demand to have their person as the deputy speaker. It obviously implied that Modi abhors the idea of a deputy to Birla who would act like stumbling block.

Rahul should have looked into the game plan of Modi. These two developments should have been taken note of by him.. But he ignored them. It appears that he believed Rajnath Singh’s words that he was exploring the possibility of offering the deputy speakership to INDIA bloc. Status enjoyed by Rajnath in BJP is not unknown. Modi does not listen to him. In the existing situation he is being given importance only to facilitate Amit Shah to gain back his position in the NDA, in view of the opposition from TDP chief Chandrababu Naidu and from Nitish Kumar to Shah at present..

Rahul should have also taken note of violation of constitutional norms and provisions by Modi and Shah. Modi became leader of the NDA even without approval of the BJP parliamentary party. He prevailed upon President Draupadi Murmu to summon him for oath taking. Rahul showed his magnanimity by supporting Birla. But Modi never came to him with the proposal to choose the post of Speaker on the basis of consensus. (IPA Service)

The article Rahul Gandhi Should Not Have Accepted Om Birla As Speaker Without A Fight appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

In the last one hundred years since its founding,, the RSS had never faced such an existential crisis as it is happening now with its row with the Prime Minister Narendra Modi, a former leading pracharak. In 2003 the RSS had faced a big fight with the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, but that related to organisational issues. Vishwa Hindu Parishad forcing issues like acquiring land for the Ayodhya temple and its ‘Chetna Yatra’ were some of the major issues. However in May 2003, L K Advani, the then deputy prime minister, persuaded the RSS to agree to a ceasefire in view of the 2004 Lok Sabha polls.

One thing was quite explicit that RSS had an upper hand and the crisis did not have the histrionic element of ego, as is manifest in the current crisis. The challenge does not have any policy and political plane. The crisis the RSS is facing has narcissistic dynamics. It has the basic element of fascist operative. Narendra Modi in order to have his authority enforced is not even hesitant to go to the extent of forcing RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat out of organisation.

Insiders recall that this nature of confrontation had never happened in the past. Even for Atal Behari Vajpayee and L K Advani, the supremacy of RSS was of vital importance. But the latest challenge which has come from Modi is egoist in character and endangering the very existence of the organisation. He desires that the RSS leadership should follow his diktats. It is purely of the nature of asserting his autocratic authority.

The war of attrition surfaced some three years back which got manifested in the disgust at the functioning of Modi, expressed by the RSS general secretary Dattatreya Hosabale who took charge office in 2021. But the RSS chief refusing to take action and unwilling to show Modi his right place, has turned him more arrogant. He had started projecting himself as the super boss.

Centralisation of power and Modi’s acute desire to diktat the functioning of the Sangh Parivar, has simply strained his relations with the RSS leaders. But it was the soft corner of Bhagwat for Modi that helped him has his say without any deterrence. But his electoral narratives and nature of campaigning simply aggravated the situation. His systematic thrust on “Modi’s Guarantee” and raising the slogan of “Abki baar 400 ke paar” turned the RSS leaders sceptical.

It is widely known that a group of Gujarati businessmen and industrialists ever since Modi became the chief minister of state, had been promoting him and even projecting him in their circle as the Emperor of India. These people were primarily responsible for instilling in him a feeling that he is the only leader who can lead India to a golden period. They had assured him that resources would never be a problem and he must pursue his goal. This continuing euology from his industrialist friends made him arrogant and authoritarian. His launching Operation Lotus to install BJP governments in Maharashtra, MP and other states must be seen in this backdrop.. RSS was not in know of this initially but later, the leaders agreed to be a part of the operation.

The worst nature of shock treatment to RSS was delivered by the BJP president J P Nadda by saying “BJP does not need RSS support now. The party has grown and everyone has got their own duties and roles. RSS is a cultural and social organisation and we are a political organisation… It’s not the question of need. It’s an ideological front.” Nadda does not possess high stature in the party. He is supposed to be a lieutenant of Amit Shah, not even of Modi. Obviously these words were not his. The magnitude of Modi’s and Shah’’s trust that Nadda enjoys could be gauged from the simple fact that he was chosen by Modi-Shah to deride RSS, just a couple of days ahead of the seventh- round of polling.

The RSS leaders had not taken this arrogance lightly. For obvious reasons they maintained low profile. RSS needed a BJP government for its expansion and accomplishing its mission of transforming India into a Hindu Rashtra. But at the same time they abhorred Modi’s autocratic behaviour. True enough, the RSS leaders were aware of the ballgame Modi and Shah were playing. In fact they also tried to send their message to Modi through Bhagwat. But Bhagwat’s words of caution lacked enough punch and thrust which the RSS leaders expected. According to a RSS leader “it was vegetarian in nature”. Bhagwat even did not name Modi. This had caused immense anguish among the RSS leaders.

Though Mohan Bhagwat criticised the BJP leaders on several counts, his ambivalence, not specifically mentioning Modi by name, had in fact given rise to apprehensions about his real intentions. His observation even came in for severe criticism in the organisational circle. It was decoded as his attempt to shield Modi and allow him to head the new government.

If the insiders are to be relied, the original BJP leaders who have got elected as MPs, were not agreeable to support Modi for the third term. They had conveyed their disenchantment to the RSS bosses. Modi reacting swiftly got himself elected as the NDA leader even before BJP parliamentary party elected him as its leader.

Nevertheless the latest issue that has really pit the RSS leaders against Modi is the latter’s design to have some one of his choice as the new party chief. Modi has come to realise that BJP parliamentary Party was split between the group of turncoats and the original BJP leaders. Basically RSS was against giving tickets to turncoats who had come from Congress. But Modi overruled its objections. If the party sources are to be believed out of 240 candidates who got elected nearly 132 are turncoats and had no relation with the RSS. They are loyal to Modi and not to RSS. Most of these turncoats have been bitter critics of RSS.

Modi is dependent on these turncoats for his survival and projecting them as his strength he intends to control the BJP as well as RSS. RSS leaders also hold the view that he intends to have his own loyalist as the speaker of Lok Sabha. He is already working on the plan to launch again “Operation Lotus” and induct the defectors in the party so as to have one party rule, without depending on the allies. That way, a list of 35 members elected from other parties I being prepared to enable BJP to become the majority party

Though the RSS is maintaining silence on this issue, the leadership knows that Modi wants to have someone from his lobby as the president of the party. RSS leaders are sceptical of Modi’s moves. These leaders nurse the feeling that in his quest to emerge as the supreme authority of saffron cult and the rightist forces, Modi desires to have both BJP and RSS under his belt. He has been working on the plan to turn RSS irrelevant. Basically his insinuation against Muslims and intensifying the hate campaign was driven with this in aim and to project himself as the ruthless face of Hindutva.

Some BJP leaders close to Modi had started accusing RSS and especially Bhagwat of diluting the idea and politics of Hindutva. Their argument is simple; RSS could not achieve during its 90 yearlong functioning what Modi did during his ten years of rule. He has popularised the philosophy of Hindutva and reached this to every Hindu. It is for him the cadre base of RSS has increased. Earlier the people were hesitant to identify with the BJP, now it is the biggest party.

Naturally Modi expects that his contribution should be acknowledged by the RSS and he ought to be projected as the only face of Hindutva. A section of the party already acknowledges him as the Hindu Hridya Samrat. His supporters have even made a move to replace Bhagwat. The RSS was against nominating the turncoats who had come from Congress or some other party. But Modi did not respect its suggestion.

Modi is dependent on these turncoats for his survival and projecting them as his strength he intends to control the BJP as well as RSS. RSS leaders also hold the view that he intends to have his own loyalist as the speaker of Lok Sabha. He is already working on the plan to relaunch “Operation Lotus” and induct the defectors in the party so as to attain the rule of a single party, without depending on the allies.

RSS is planning to install either Sanjay Joshi or Vinod Tawade as the new president. Joshi is known for his strained relations with Modi, but Tawade is an amicable person, close to both the factions. Meanwhile Modi and his lieutenant Amit Shah are planning to get the nod of the BJP leaders to let Nadda continue as the president till the assembly elections in three key states; Maharashtra, Haryana and Jharkhand. Modi is determined to win these elections. This will simply add to his strength and will place him in more enviable position. (IPA Service)

The article Narendra Modi-RSS Tussle Intensifies Over Choice Of New BJP President appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

Patna High Court striking down Bihar government’s hike of reservation quota for Dalits, backward castes and tribals to 65% in jobs and education has certainly not come as a surprise nor has been shocking. It was well perceived that like any other affirmative action meant for the upper mobility of the Dalits and poor, this too would have to undergo strict legal scrutiny.

The Mahagathbandhan government in November 2023 had decided to raise reservation quotas for Dalits, backward classes and tribals from 50 to 65 per cent. The cabinet decision was nevertheless to the liking of the upper castes of the state and a number of BJP leaders and supporters moved the Patna High Court to scrap the order. The alliance government, which had JD(U), RJD, CPI(ML) and Congress as its members had resolved to amend the policy and raise the reservation following a comprehensive survey of castes which gave a fresh estimate of the population of SCs, STs, OBCs and extremely backward classes (EBCs) in Bihar.

The government decision was not whimsical. This nature of actions always has a political orientation and dynamics, but it would be an act of naïveté to look at the move through the narrow prism of politics. In this particular case it was the exigency of empowerment of dalits and poor and boosting their economic status that had motivated the government to increase the reservation.

Pursuing the politics of inclusive empowerment has always faced the challenges and resistance from the landed gentry and upper castes. The BJP and RSS have always been opposed to reservation. It is still fresh in the memory of the people how the rightist BJP and RSS had opposed the Mandal Commission recommendation and organised violent protest across the country. Even in 2015 the RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat had observed that policy of reservation ought to be reviewed, obviously implying that he was opposed to reservation.

RSS and BJP knew that the political forces supporting reservation would gain politically and help electorally. Actually the INDIA bloc performing so incredibly in the Lok Sabha election owes to this element. The poor, adivasis and Dalits have come to realise that the BJP and RSS were opposed to them on class line and it was mere electoral compulsion that forced them treat as equals

A Division Bench headed by Chief Justice K Vinod Chandran passed the order on a bunch of petitions which had opposed the legislation. However, the court ought to have taken a holistic view of the changing economic contour in the country and needs of the Dalits, SC and Adivasis for their upward mobility. Law is for promoting and protecting the interest of the people. It is a fact that the quantum of poverty and number of poor are shooting up and it has multiplied many times during the last ten years.

Some concrete steps ought to be initiated in terms of economic moves to bridge the chasm. Judiciary must interpret the law and act under the ambit of Constitution, but it is also a bare fact that Constitution does not endorse economic disparity and poor are forced to become poorer.

The petitioners claim that the amendments violated Articles 14, 16 and 20 of the Constitution. Let us take a look at these Articles. While Article 14 reads: “The State shall not deny to any person equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws within the territory of India”, Article 16 prohibits discrimination in employment in any government office. The government can allow reservation for any community if they are not adequately represented in service or posts under the State.

Has the court before striking down the amendment verified or collected empirical data whether the Dalits, SC and Tribals are adequately represented in service and they longer require reservation? Caste is a reality as it manifests the class interest. Upper caste and landed gentry would certainly dislike the idea of giving more share of power and affluence to these people. These poor in true sense imbibe the class interest of the deprived and those who are outside the periphery of the economic and social empowerment.

It was after the refusal of Modi government to undertake a headcount of the social groups other than SCs and STs as part of the census that Bihar government was forced on October 2 last year to come out with its report on a caste survey. The survey was quite revealing. Around 90 per cent of the population, which consists of the Dalits, OBCs, Adivasis and minorities are denied their rights and have no say in the decision-making process and they are poor.

It is worth mentioning that the Supreme Court’s cap on reservations at 50 per cent had already been breached with the introduction of 10 per cent quotas for economically weaker sections (EWS) belonging to the upper castes by the Centre and replicated by states. Together with the quotas for EWS, reserved seats in the state rose to 75 per cent of the total population.

Significance of this issue could be gauged from the simple fact that Congress leader Rahul Gandhi turned it into a major political and ideological issue by projecting it as “five pillars of justice”. While leading Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra he had said that five pillars of justice would give strength to the country. They are justice for youth, justice for women, justice for farmers, justice for labourers, and justice in terms of participation.

This promise of empowering the poor has in fact caught the imagination of the Dalits, Sc, ST and minorities which eventually helped the Congress and INDIA bloc to resurge as the effective counter to Rightist forces and their philosophy in the recent Lok Sabha election. BJP was against reservation was also manifest in its refusal to concede the demand of the Bihar government to place the amended reservation laws in the Constitution’s Ninth Schedule under which includes a list of Central and state laws that cannot be challenged in courts.

In 1992, the Supreme Court capped reservations for the backward classes at 50 per cent. But the seven judge bench of apex court on February 7, 2024 had also observed that reservation for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (SC/ST) was consistent with the need to maintain efficiency in administration. The dubious intentions of Modi of not providing reservation to Dalits, Sc Tribals and minorities is also manifest in the observation of Modi who while electioneering has said the Congress had designs to provide reservations to Muslims from the quotas earmarked for the Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs).

The bare fact is Indian administrative system and government apparatus is aligned against the lower castes. Even Rahul had asserted that the country’s 90 per cent population including the Dalits, OBCs, tribal communities and the minorities does not have representation in the country’s narrative and power structure. Gandhi said his party aims to ensure the participation of the country’s 90 per cent population in the country’s progress. Undeniably the political compulsion made him to express this view, but at the same time it cannot be denied that if the system had worked in consonance to the needs of the poor, he would not got the opportunity to say this.

The rightist forces represented by RSS and BJP have their one point programme to serve the interest of the upper caste, rich and feudal lords and in their quest they would prefer to keep the poor and dalits under subjugation and continue to exploit them. It is not that the Bihar government had opened the chest for the Dalits and poor. According to the Bihar Reservation Amendment Bill, quota for Extremely Backward Classes (EBC) was raised from the existing 18% to 25%; for Backward Classes (BC) from 12% to 18%; for Scheduled Castes (SC) from 16% to 20%; and for Scheduled Tribes (ST), the quota has been doubled, from 1% to 2%

Patna High Court striking down the enhanced reservation quota nevertheless strongly endorses the demand for an Economic financial survey to find out who holds how much of the country’s resources. How much share the OBC, Dalit, minority, tribals and the poor general caste have. (IPA Service)

The article Patna High Court Striking Down Bihar Govt’s Hike In Reservation Quota Poses Many Questions appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

RSS leaders close to its chief Mohan Bhagwat are seeking to suppress news of a ‘rift’ between RSS and Prime Minister Narendra Modi after his “true sevak” remark. But events taking place inside the RSS do not validate the message that everything is ethical and politically correct.

Some senior RSS functionaries have expressed their disgust and frustration at attempts being made to dilute Bhagwat’s criticism of the BJP and deny it as a move to censor Modi. This after senior RSS leader Indresh Kumar lambasted Modi only to take a U-turn from his “result of arrogance” remark following the BJP’s inability to get a majority in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls. Indresh Kumar succumbed to pressure from the RSS leaders who are perceived to be close to Bhagwat. The message being sent is that the RSS leaders close to Bhagwat are calling the shots in the RSS.

Critics say RSS’s reputation has been on the wane ever since Modi became Prime Minister, its image hit hard, and will lose relevance and credibility if RSS leaders continue to provide cover to Modi. Attempts to shield Modi will hasten the implosion and further erode the authority and reliability of the RSS. Projecting Modi as taller than RSS will harm the organisation. Hindus will lose their trust in the RSS.

By publicly denying that Bhagwat targeted Modi, they were simply encouraging him to resurrect his politics of torture and oppression. In fact, the NDA government of Modi has already initiated another bout of repressive measures. On June 14, the Delhi Lieutenant Governor V.K. Saxena granted sanction to prosecute author Arundhati Roy and Kashmir-based academic Sheikh Showkat Hussain under the draconian UAPA for remarks they made at a seminar in New Delhi in 2010.

Saxena’s action is vulnerable to legal scrutiny. The FIR was registered on November 27, 2010 at Tilak Marg Police Station as per the orders of the Court of Metropolitan Magistrate, New Delhi, following a complaint by a Kashmiri Pandit from Kashmir, alleging that Roy and Hussain delivered provocative speeches at a conference organised by the Committee for the Release of Political Prisoners under the banner of ‘Azadi—the Only Way’ on October 21, 2010.

Saxena did not bother to check that under Section 468 of the CrPC no court shall take cognisance of an offence of the category specified in sub-section (2), after the expiry of the statute of limitation. The allegations are yet to be investigated and brought to their logical culmination by the Delhi Police. Two other accused, Syed Ali Shah Geelani and Syed Abdul Rahman Geelani are no more and it is not clear what evidence the Delhi Police has against Roy and Hussain.

The Supreme Court has held that the grant of sanction should reflect proper application of mind. In CBI vs Ashok Kumar Aggarwal, (2013), the Supreme Court held on the validity of sanction, “The prosecution has to satisfy the court that at the time of sending the matter for grant of sanction by the competent authority, adequate material for such grant was made available to the said authority. This may also be evident from the sanction order, in case it is extremely comprehensive, as all the facts and circumstances of the case may be spelt out in the sanction order.”

Yet another example of investigating agencies becoming active against Modi’s critics has come from Bihar. Two days ago a criminal case was filed against the newly elected independent MP, Pappu Yadav after RJD chief Lalu Yadav refused to acknowledge him as an INDIA bloc candidate notwithstanding the fact that he had joined the Congress. A furniture businessman lodged an extortion complaint against Pappu Yadav and his associate in Purnia on June 10 for demanding Rs 1 crore on June 4.

Pappu Yadav alleged that a conspiracy was hatched to kill him during the election. “I was supposed to be provided Y-category security by the district administration, but this has not happened,” said Yadav. Sources maintain the furniture businessman is a BJP sympathiser. Yadav claimed the plan to implicate him was made in Patna by a big political leader of Bihar, two businessmen and a former MLA from Purnia, and one businessman from Madhepura.

Yet another case of coercion involves the use of the CBI. With Chief Minister Nitish Kumar turning hostile after being denied the railway ministry and a cabinet rank office to his partymen, Modi wants to show Nitish his place in the scheme of things. On Friday, the CBI descended on the Muzaffarpur Shelter Home to re-investigate the cases of rape of 34 inmates. The shelter home was run by JD(U) leader Brajesh Thakur under an NGO “Sewa Sankalp Evam Vikas Samiti”. Thakur is the main accused along with 18 other persons who are serving life terms. What made CBI order a reinvestigation? It was exposed earlier that girls were supplied to top politicians, police officials and bureaucrats. It is alleged that most of the persons involved in the sex scam are members of the JD(U).

Prime Minister Modi is determined to push his autocratic style of functioning. Modi’s Minister for Law and Justice Arjun Ram Meghwal has said that the new criminal laws will be introduced from July 1.The three criminal laws were adopted without participation of the opposition in the debate in the session before the Lok Sabha elections were held. The Modi government had replaced IPC, CrPC and the Evidence Act with the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita and the Bharatiya Sakshya Act.

Meghwal claimed “all were consulted” but he confessed that only 142, including members from both houses, responded. “Suggestions were also requested from all MLAs nationwide, with only 270 responding. We consulted widely, but not everyone provided feedback,” Meghwal said, adding that though suggestions were sought from all states, only 18 states and six Union Territories responded. This implies that the three laws lack ratification and approval.

But the Modi government managed to get it passed in the Lok Sabha when 142 opposition MPs were expelled by then Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla. Under no circumstances could Prime Minister Modi claim unanimous approval of the Lok Sabha. The haste to get the three laws implemented on July 1 underlines his autocratic attitude. Modi does not any discussion and in any case, this is a new House who may not fall for his manouverings. Prime Minister Narendra Modi must not forget that India runs by the rule of law and political adversaries cannot be harassed by the misuse of laws.

The senior RSS leaders also pointed out that by allotting all the important portfolios to his own supporters and loyal leaders, Modi intended to send the message that he continues to be the ultimate boss. He even refused to respect the views and claims of the leaders of allies. Nitish Kumar asked for the railway ministry but was rebuffed and Chandrababu Naidu’s demand for the Speakership of the Lok Sabha still hangs fire. It is for Naidu to decide whether he will toe the diktats of Modi. Shiv Sena UBT leader Sanjay Raut has said INDIA bloc will support Telugu Desam Party if there’s a contest for the speaker’s post.

Raut said if the Speaker’s post goes to the BJP, Modi will “break the parties like the TDP, JD(U) and the outfits of Chirag Paswan and Jayant Chaudhary”. And this may happen as soon as in a couple of months. Modi will wait and watch and then strike. Once Modi consolidates his position, he would openly challenge the authority of the RSS. It is important to note that out of the 239 BJP MPs, 103 are the turncoats who switched over to BJP at the invitation of Modi. For them RSS has no relevance. They are loyal to Modi. It is basically with the intention to keep this flock together that Modi refused give Home ministry to Naidu.

RSS leaders are apprehensive of Modi showing his true colours. Once he gets the confidence of the house, he would resort to his old style of operation. In fact, these RSS leaders strongly feel that Bhagwat should be asked to explain his correct position and stand; whether his remarks were really aimed at Narendra Modi, whose coarse Islamophobhia and uncouth canvassing diverted attention from the more ideological issues of the Sangh. Bhagwat should be asked to explain why he preferred to maintain stoic silence during the election campaign.

Bhagwat’s silence over the 10 years of Modi rule has turned the people against the RSS. Now, a section of RSS leaders hope that the three-day annual coordination meeting of the RSS, beginning on August 31, in Palakkad, Kerala, would prove to be a turning point. Senior BJP leaders, including its president, will attend the meeting, the first such exercise after the recent polls. This meeting will define the relation between the BJP and the RSS. It is certain Mohan Bhagwat would have to do a lot of explaining on his stand on Modi and why his “arrogance” remark does not apply to Modi? (IPA Service)

The article Mohan Bhagwat In For A Solid Grilling In RSS’ Palakkad Meet appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat has said that the NDA’s return to power after a decade in office was a testimony to the good things that happened on its watch. This is beyond comprehension. How could he claim that the NDA governed the country? Nothing could be more bizarre. The people of India know that neither the BJP, nor the NDA, ruled the country. India was ruled by Narendra Modi as he would regularly boast that “this is the government of Modi; this is the word of Modi and this is the guarantee of Modi.”

At no stage, during the last ten years, did Bhagwat caution against this autocratic tendency in Modi. It was his deafening silence which encouraged Modi to ruin the democratic institutions of the country and subvert human rights. His advice to the political classes not to treat differences of opinion as disputes and emphasise on evolving a consensus on the challenges facing the country should have been uttered long back. It would have paid a rich dividend.

It was certainly not soothing to listen to Bhagwat advising Modi of the need to get over the election rhetoric and resolve the Manipur conflict. Though the realisation came after one year of the sordid genocide, it is not certain whether Modi would have resorted to ‘Raj Dharma’. Instead of putting this question before the passing out parade of the 900-strong band of newly trained swayamsevaks, Bhagwat should have sought an explanation from Modi as to why he did not act any sooner?

His observed: “It’s been a year since Manipur has been waiting for peace. The state remained peaceful for the last 10 years, but suddenly, gun culture has increased again; it is important to resolve the conflict as a priority.” This exposes the vulnerability and ineptness of Modi rule. Manipur plunged into ethnic violence in May last year after conflict between Imphal valley-based Meiteis and hill-based Kukis flared up, resulting in more than 200 deaths and leaving thousands homeless.

Bhagwat criticised all sides for resorting to falsehoods, using vituperative language during the campaign, stating that the electoral discourse violated the decency that parties are expected to observe. But instead of generalising, he should have named Modi. Not naming Modi and putting the blame on Modi and his ilk, sends the message that the holder of the highest order of morality, utterly lacked it. Even a layman knows that Modi has been resorting to abusive language and demeaning Muslims and his political opponents. Even Modi’s close aide Amit Shah did not hold back slanderous, unconstitutional words.

Bhagwat’s advice to not to treat political opponents is at odds with RSS culture. In RSS political culture, people or political parties opposing its politics and actions are treated as enemies. Obviously, his assertion, “Your opponent is not an adversary, he only represents a counter viewpoint” is pure pretense. If he really believed in this postulate, he should have long ago warned Modi to refrain from imposing his politics of hatred on India and from using the government machinery to harass his opponents.

Did Bhagwat approve of Modi’s insinuations against Muslims and his act of terrorising Hindus by saying that their wealth and even mangalsutra would be taken away?

Bhagwat is free to defend the RSS and Modi, but it was certainly in bad taste. Bhagwat’s view was primarily aimed at protecting and patronising Modi, which again was an attempt to denounce the views of his own senior RSS leaders, who have publicly been highly critical of Modi’s style of functioning. Modi had only contempt for the RSS. Only a week ago, J P Nadda, the then BJP president, had openly said that the RSS had no role in the elections.

Bhagwat’s attempts to protect the RSS was evident in his anxiety to say that technology was being used for promoting false narratives and to “drag RSS” into the electoral combat. Being the chief of the RSS Bhagwat should have been honest in admitting that his saffron ecosystem has been using technology to smear individuals who do not share their rightist view. There are numerous examples and a large number of social activists who have been victims of the false technology.

It is indeed difficult to comprehend why Bhagwat was using his name and office to defend Modi. Does it imply that under Bhagwat’s plans, Modi is best suited to serve his cause? One expects that an individual claiming to represent the highest order of decency, honesty and probity must not skip the truth. How could Bhagwat justify the horrid acts of Modi to exonerate corrupt politicians, who he deserved jail and give them clean chits after admitting them into the BJP?

Bhagwat should put the question to himself and find the answer. Who is arrogant, unrestrained and busy distorting knowledge and history for political needs? Knowledge is deliberately being distorted to suit saffron interests. Bhagwat knows Modi better than others. Praising the NDA government on its performance would not lessen the political and social crimes of Modi. People want to know from Bhagwat why he is so weak before Modi? If the RSS has approved Modi to be the Prime Minister for a third consecutive time, but what is the secret agenda?

It is a fact that Modi has not done any good to the country. These ten years would be remembered for misgovernance and ruining the lives of the poor. Will Bhagwat come out with the correct figure of the persons who have become poorer? Modi to his “yes men” keep harping about the distribution of 5 kg of foodgrains to 80 crore Indians, but for how many days can a family of two persons, husband and wife, survive on 5 kg?  Does it not underline that people have lost income, are bereft of purchasing power, and have been left with no other alternative but to survive on alms? In this background Bhagwat’s claim that “it is a fact that we have done well on many counts in the period; going by the parameters used by the modern countries to judge economic progress, we have done well” is a bundle of lies.

Bhagwat would have to come out with many confessional observations. He simply cannot hide behind the façade of ill-conceived notions and ideas. He must speak the truth. Any organisation built on the foundation of falsehoods cannot aspire to survive for long. He must admit that the real test of the RSS’s credibility has started now. So far it has been surviving on anti-Congress rhetoric. That phase is over. Modi cannot survive for long by abusing and making insinuations against Nehru. The world knows why Modi has been demeaning politics.

Being the mentor of BJP, the RSS should not have encouraged Modi to trample on the people’s mandate. Is it not true that Modi is a ‘Swayamsevak’? The fact is the RSS has shown utter disrespect to the Constitution and democracy. It is a shame that a politician who led his party with “Modi’s Guarantee” could stick to power even after miserably losing the electoral battle.  (IPA Service)

The post Mohan Bhagwat’s Muted Warning To Modi Is Too Little, Too Late first appeared on Latest India news, analysis and reports on IPA Newspack.

The article Mohan Bhagwat’s Muted Warning To Modi Is Too Little, Too Late appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

It was shocking to see incarnation of Lord Vishnu, who is even followed and revered by Lord Jagannath of Puri, prostrating before two mortal politicians Nitish Kumar and Chandrababu Naidu for their support to satiate his desire for becoming prime minister for third consecutive term. During a phase when the saints and religious gurus nurse earthly craving for enjoying political power, a politician certainly cannot be expected to perform a reverse role and behave like a saint.

Narendra Modi projecting himself as Lord Vishnu and his fortnight old claim “he was “convinced” that he was “sent by god”, simply reinforces his sadistic quest for power. To strengthen his claim for power, he had even said that the energy he possesses cannot come from a biological body and only god could give him this type of energy.

People of India have seen how to quench his thirst for absolute power, he allowed the Gujarat pogrom to happen. He would have put a break to the violence but did not as that provided him with the opportunity to polarise the Hindus to build a strong base Standing on that he could rule for decades. Anyone who came his way was shown his place. People are yet to forget his seeking vote in 2019 exploiting Pulwama massacre.

Modi nevertheless is clear about thing; for ascending to the top political position. It is imperative that you should target the tallest person, not the minions. He knew that to score in the game of political one-upmanship he must target the Nehru-Gandhi family, the first family of India. That would prove to be productive as it would catch the imagination of the people; look here is the leader who has guts to challenge the Nehruvian hegemony. He has proved to be right. He made other BJP leaders, even of senior stature, look like dwarfs. Modi acquired the status of monarch, no body dared to open his mouth, his words resonated like laws.

Riding on this borrowed political power, courtesy Nehru-Gandhi family, he dictated the politics and even side lined most of the senior BJP and RSS leaders. It is a fact that during his ten year stay in power, he never visited RSS office in Nagpur and did not cheer any of the senior RSS leaders. RSS had the practice of assigning its one of the senior leaders as the general secretary (organisation) of BJP. But Modi did away with this practice. The most significant incident to take note is, Modi never visited RSS headquarters to call on RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat. His meetings took place outside Nagpur while Bhagwat was on some tour. Stories about his arrogance are in abundance.

Obviously it was quite shocking to see Modi prostrating before Nitish and Naidu. An insight into his changed behaviour nonetheless underscores that it is not natural, it is an act to conceal his real intentions. It is a mask. He knows that he has overcome the crisis for the time being. Once he is firmly settled in power, he would start showing his true colours. Basically this is the reason that he is not willing to concede to the demands of Nitish and Naidu to give them the post of Speaker, Home and Finance. He would lose the overall dominance once he concedes these offices to them.

A question is making rounds of the political circle; why he is hell bent on becoming the prime minister for the third time. The reply is very simple. He wants to projects himself as equal to Pandit Nehru, who was also the prime minister for three consecutive terms. It is the greatest achievement for a person suffering with acute inferiority complex. At least he would be counted as one above the others. Already the national media has started eulogising him for his achievement.

His desperation to occupy the office of prime minister got reflected in his move to manoeuvre the NDA meeting which allegedly elected him as the leader of NDA. Modi initially should have been elected by the newly elected MPs after getting the approval of the national body of the party. But he was not sure of getting the clearance as many senior leaders were opposed to his continuance. They had told the RSS leadership in no uncertain words that people had rejected him obviously.

Modi loyalists and especially the Gujarat lobby has been citing the invitation letters sent to the state heads of the neighbouring countries for attending the swearing ceremony. They have been arguing if Modi is not allowed to become prime minister, it would be humiliating for India. But the RSS leaders as well as senior leaders are not willing to listen to this ridiculous argument. The RSS leaders want to know at whose advice they sent the invitation? Invitations have already been sent to Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, Sri Lanka President Ranil Wickremesinghe, and Nepal Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’. Around 8,000 dignitaries have been invited.

According to the RSS sources, this clearly manifests the autocratic functioning of Modi. There is a lurking apprehension in the RSS that he would turn more aggressive and autocratic if he comes to occupy the office by manoeuvring the situation and support. In view of RSS leaders adopting a no-nonsense approach to this issue, Amit Shah had summoned some RSS leaders at his residence this week to thrash out the issue. But it does not appear that he has achieved major breakthrough.

RSS leaders are also quite cut up at Modi’s move to distribute the ministries and at the so-called composition of the Union Council of Ministers led by Modi. Baring Arun Kumar who is the interface between the party and the Sangh, no senior leader attended the meet held at Shah’s place. Quite significant the meeting, held two days after the BJP lost majority in Lok Sabha coincided with the meeting the BJP leadership held to work out a formula for Cabinet formation and negotiations on the nature and participation of partners in the coalition government.

Two leaders Nitin Gadkari and Shivraj Singh Chouhan are in constant touch with RSS. Even after Modi’s election as the leader of the BJP Parliamentary Party and the NDA, the fissures within the BJP will continue. It is to be seen how Prime Minister elect Narendra Modi and RSS boss Mohan Bhagwat arrive at understanding on the future course of action. (IPA Service)

The post Narendra Modi’s Battle With Sangh Parivar Shows No Signs Of Easing first appeared on Latest India news, analysis and reports on IPA Newspack.

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By Arun Srivastava

It was inevitable. It was to happen. Never before in its hundred years of existence, no Sarasaṅghacālaka, chief of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the right-wing organisation, the parent entente of the BJP, had faced this nature of humiliation as the incumbent Mohan Bhagwat has to suffer from none else but by the BJP national president J P Nadda. It is beyond comprehension how could Nadda insult RSS the head of all the Sangh Parivar groups.

But it happened. Only three days back, he made a public statement: “We (BJP) have grown, we are more capable now… the BJP runs itself. Party has no plan for temples at the disputed sites in Mathura and Kashi. It has grown from the time it needed the RSS and is now “saksham” (capable) and runs its own affairs. The RSS is an “ideological front” and does its own work.”

The entire RSS leadership is stupefied at this audacity of Nadda. It is not that they are unaware of the prompter, the person who conjured Nadda to make such impertinent and brass statement. But for this again they blame Bhagwat. Almost all the senior leaders nurse the feeling that Bhagwat has created a Frankenstein. These leaders have consistently been bringing the style of governance and functioning of Narendra Modi to his attention, but he simply refused to take them seriously.

Two years back, the second in command, general secretary of RSS, Dattatreya Hosabale has presented a very shabby image of the BJP government with the observation that Modi has not been serious about running the government. The RSS leaders nurse if Bhagwat had taken some action the situation might not have deteriorated to such an extent where the existence and stature of RSS is being challenged that is through a person who Modi and Amit Shah do not treat more than a servile dependent

The time chosen by Nadda to send his missile to the RSS bosses simply indicates that the worst is yet to come. No astute politician would ever had dared to disparage the authority of his political and ideological mentor that too just ahead of the crucial Lok Sabha election as it would send a wrong message across the country especially amongst the cadres. But he did it without caring for the consequences. The primary reason has been his political masters are ready to go to any extent to liberate BJP from their dominion and project it as the true representative of the rightist ideas and also politics of Hindutva.

Unperturbed of the terrifying consequences, Nadda even made it explicit that BJP under the leadership of Narendra Modi will break certain myths that will surprise everyone. Though he said Modi enjoyed immense blessings of people from east to west, north to south, he did not reveal the real nature of the “myths”. He nonetheless dropped indication that RSS will cease to be ideological mentor of BJP.

His statement is quite loaded, but does not hide the intentions of Modi that he would not allow any nature of erosion to his authority and personality. He is not going to accept the dictate of the RSS lying low. The fact he never obeyed the RSS and even on number of occasions he dared to throw them in the dust bin.

After he was sworn in as the prime minister for the second time in 2019, Modi started showing his fangs. But the RSS leadership did not check him. Strange Bhagwat was so delighted with the success of his mission to convert India into a Hindu Rashtra through Modi, that he preferred to ignore his wrong doings. His approach towards Modi makes it explicit that Bhagwat was more concerned of the final gains than the mechanism adopted for gaining the mission. For him purity, probity and transparency were not important.

Shockingly for Bhagwat, style of Modi’s functioning did not matter much while it caused deep resentment amongst the RSS leadership. The main disquiet of the RSS leadership was Modi’s style of governance and his individual-centric operation. He even turned the other senior BJP leaders dwarfs. His not listening to the RSS dictates or utter disregard to its directives has turned them hostile towards him. But they felt helpless as their chief was not willing to fetter him.

Nevertheless the Sangh sources maintain that it was a complaint by some senior RSS leaders against Modi to Bhagwat that accentuated the crisis. These leaders, mostly from Maharashtra, had protested to Bhagwat that Modi was trying to turn Maharashtra into a colony of Gujarat. They had alleged Prime Minister even went out of the way to promote the business interest of the Gujarati industrialists in Maharashtra. It was at his insistence that some of the industrial units which were to be set up in Maharashtra were shifted to Gujarat.

They also expressed apprehension that this will once again pit Gujarati people against Maharashtrians. In December 1953, The Fazal Ali Commission announced various states, which also included Andhra Pradesh for Telugu-speaking people. But it was not able to find a solution for the separation of Maharashtra and Gujarat. Marathi speaking people celebrate May 1 as Maharashtra Day every year. It is also the statehood Day of Gujarat state. It is the day when the state of Maharashtra was formed including the city of Mumbai. A long struggle had led to a separation of the erstwhile Bombay state into two states of Maharashtra and Gujarat. A total of 107 people lost their lives.

RSS leaders also pointed to his attempt to close Nandhini Milk Cooperative of Karnataka and hand over the operation to Gujarat based Amul. It was also pointed out how two Gujarati leaders were using their position and office to thrust their diktat on the states and forcing the Maharashtra government to take care of the Gujarati traders and businessman.

Rahul Gandhi’s consistent attack on Adani simply put the RSS leaders in a very awkward position. They were finding it hard to answer the question of Maharashtra RSS leaders. Rahul’s attack has a strategic dimension. Through targeting Adani, he wanted to expose the conspiratorial operation of Modi. What further strained the RSS relation with Modi is reluctance of Modi to listen to RSS suggestion to go slow in attacking Rahul. It was pointed out that the ground level feedback from various sources simply enforced the fact that his attack was simply helping Rahul to emerge as the powerful peoples’ leader.

The RSS leaders were also not happy with him for bucking Rahul’s questions and allegations. As the prime minister he should have faced Rahul and replied to his queries. At a recent meet of the RSS leaders which took place just after first phase of polling, some of the RSS leaders even expressed concern whether he was competent to govern India. These leaders underscored that the RSS leadership should have taken action just after Hosabale’s censuring. It should not have allowed the situation to go out of hands.

Nadda through his interview tried to project Modi as the creator of modern India who does not need RSS. He also intended to negate the earlier leaders of Jana Sangh and BJP by saying “In the beginning, we would have been less capable, smaller and needed the RSS. Today, we have grown and we are capable. The BJP runs itself). That’s the difference.”

Five phases of Lok Sabha elections have just been completed. Only two more are left. The Lok Sabha poll results will be out on June 4. Already signals are there that the BJP is losing many seats in its Hindi heartland states. The big chasm between PM Narendra Modi and the major leadership of RSS is sure to have impact on the BJP fortunes in the remaining two phases. How much that will be known on June 4. (IPA Service)

The post Rift Between Narendra Modi Camp And RSS Is Accentuating During Polls first appeared on Latest India news, analysis and reports on IPA Newspack.

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By Arun Srivastava

After a epoch making victory in 2020 assembly election in Bihar, in which the CPI(ML) Liberation won 12 out of 16 it contested, the party is quite hopeful of sending its representatives to the Lok Sabha this time. In that election the three main Left parties had won 16 of the 29 assembly constituencies they contested. The CPI and CPI(M) annexed two each of the six and four seats they contested respectively.

Though the Left parties were partners of Mahagathbandhan headed by RJD.the reason of CPI(ML)-L nursing optimism in winning at least two seats emanates from the fact that in 2020 it had won fighting against RJD candidates in some constituencies notwithstanding being the constituent of Mahagathbandhan.

Though the RJD has been traditional support base of Muslims and Yadavs (MY), the CPIML) received the massive support of the poor Yadavs, Muslims and other extremely poor castes. It obviously implied that it enjoys the impeccable trust of this section of the poor.

This time the CPI(ML)-L had demanded at least six seats, but big brother of INDIA alliance Lalu Yadav was reluctant as he had some other commitment. The seats which the CPI(ML) had demanded were eventually handed over to the Congress. One of the seats was Purnea. Now Bima Bharati of RJD, who shifted her allegiance from JD(U) barely a week before the announcement of election, is facing a tough challenge from rebel Congress Pappu Yadav.

Nevertheless CPI(ML) was given three seats. It is contesting three Lok Sabha seats of Ara, Nalanda and Karakat. The CPI(ML) general secretary Dipankar Bhattacharya is confident of winning these seats. Baring Nalanda, the two other seats have witnessed massive peasant mobilisation by the CPI(ML) in early seventies. Ara the head quarter of Bhojpur has been the witness to the highest order of peasant armed struggle in which hundreds of cadres and leaders were involved.

A significant aspect of this year’s electoral battle is for the first time the CPI(ML) Liberation has entered into the fight. Though its senior leader Rameshwar Prasad had won the Ara Lok Sabha seat in 1989 he had contested as an Indian People’s Front candidate the mass organisation of the CPI(ML).at that time.

In Karakat, the CPI(ML) nominee former MLA Raja Ram Singh is pitted against former Union Minister Upendra Kushwaha, leader of Rashtriya Lok Morcha, an NDA ally. Moreover, the presence of an AIMIM candidate may result in dividing Muslim votes in the constituency.

Sudama Singh, an old timer, who started his career as a student leader in late sixties and is now an MLA from Ara is opposing the Union minister R K Singh, a former home secretary of Bihar from Ara parliamentary constituency. From Nalanda constituency, Sandeep Sourav, also an MLA, is in the fray. Nalada is the home constituency of chief minister Nitish Kumar. Senior party leader Rajaram Singh is contesting from Karakat Lok Sabha constituency. In all the three constituencies, Ara, Karakat and Nalanda, polling will take place on June 1.

Nevertheless Sourav is facing a serious challenge from Kaushlendra Kumar of JD(U). This area has high concentration of Koiri and Kurmis. Since Kumar is the candidate of Nitish Kumar it is expected that Nitish’s personal appeal will have impact. However a portion of constituency in seventies and eighties had witnessed incidents like Belchi and major peasant struggle, the appeal of the party is will have its impact.

Out of the five seats that RJD gave to Left Parties in Bihar under the seat sharing arrangements, CPI(M) has decided to field Sanjay Kumar Singh from Khagaria while CPI has given ticket to former MLA Awadhesh Rai from Begusarai. Bhattacharya is quite hopeful that both the parties will do nice with Singh posing a major challenge to NDA candidate at Khagaria.

CPI(M)’s Sanjay Kumar, who is from the OBC Kushwaha community, is banking on support from the Muslims and Yadavs, the RJD’s traditional M-Y vote bank. The CPI worked hard to outwit the BJP candidate Giriraj Singh, who launched vicious communal campaign and won back the seat of Begusarai which was once referred to as the “Leningrad of Bihar” because of its active Communist movement from the late 1950s to the late 1990s.

Khagaria went to the polls on May 7, in the third phase. Here the battle was between the Kumar and the Chirag Paswan’s LJP (Ram Vilas) candidate Rajesh Verma. Another factor that worked in favour of Kumar is Vikassheel Insaan Party (VIP) leader Mukesh Sahani extended support to him. He is now with Mahagathbandhan. Sahani is a Mallah leader.

Lalu denying desired number of seats to the Left bloc has been a tactical move. The CPI(ML) has risen as a major political force in the entire north and eastern parts of the state. Its success in 2020 assembly election underlines the fact that notwithstanding massive state repression it still continues to command the support and allegiance of the poor. Resurgence of CPI(ML) and the CPI and CPI(M) in a major way would have affected the image of the RJD in its traditional bases.

Yet another factor which prevented Lalu from acceding to Left’s demand to give them nine seats, has been the fear of shifting of Muslim votes. The Left has impeccable reputation of being the voice of dalit, poor and Muslims, especially the pasmanda, the poor and dalit Muslims.. One thing is categorically clear that the Left forces are going to resurrect as a major political force post Lok Sabha elections.. The Left has no presence in the present LokSabha from Bihar now. If the three parties CPI, CPI(M) and CPI(ML)–L can get three out of five seats they are contesting, that will impart a new dynamism to the left wing transformation of Bihar. (IPA Service)

The post Left Parties Resurgence In Bihar Worries NDA In Lok Sabha Elections first appeared on Latest India news, analysis and reports on IPA Newspack.

The article Left Parties Resurgence In Bihar Worries NDA In Lok Sabha Elections appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

With the passing of every phase, the anguish gripping the RSS and traditional BJP cadres and supporters is getting more pronounced and discernible, notwithstanding the attempts of the top RSS leaders to make them relent and ensure the victory of the BJP candidates.

Much against the argument positioned forward by the RSS stalwarts for creating an illusion of victory, the cadres are not willing to budge. They are clear that Modi will become a perilous autocrat using the victory. Though they are sure that the BP will not win the majority, the party would emerge as the single largest party. In that backdrop, the President would certainly invite Modi to form the government. They point out that Amit Shah at the instructions of Narendra Modi is on a mission to garner support from smaller parties in case BJP does not get majority on its own.

Apprehensive of the emerging situation, the state-level RSS leaders and cadres have approached the RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat and its general secretary Dattatreya Hosabale to initiate preventive steps. The RSS cadres have in a letter to their leaders have also expressed anguish that it was their inaction that led to Modi emerging as the sole leader of the saffron ecosystem. These state leaders have also sought to know the reasons why no action was taken against Modi when he embarked on the path of destroying the culture and ethos of the organisations.

They have also pointed out that now in the changed situation, with large number of cadres and volunteers not coming to undertake electioneering task, Modi has been using Rajiv Kumar-led Election Commission to fraudulently and illegitimately boost the percentage of votes polled. They pointed out that the CEC correcting the figures of the votes cast in earlier two phases is an exercise in this perspective.

The third phase, which culminated on May 7, had been different in many ways than the previous two phases. The significant but crucial dissimilarity was the use by the police forces by the BJP-ruled states to chase away chunks of voters from polling booths. This happened in sharp contrast to Rajiv Kumar-led EC’s call to people to exercise their right to vote. The brutal and criminal use of police for chasing away voters was most glaring in Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath-governed Uttar Pradesh.

The constituencies which have higher proportion of Muslim and Dalits voters have been at the receiving end of such police-driven criminality, especially in UP. The saffron ecosystem and Yogi government strongly nursed the feeling that these two communities would vote for INDIA bloc, or any other opposition party.

The police and election officials had identified constituencies which were supposed to favour the opposition, INDIA bloc, candidates. Hence, in such constituencies, the voting percentage was quite insignificant till noon. The voters who were standing in queues were asked to go back even without casting votes. It was after 3 in the afternoon that the voting picked up. Even then the EC officials did not get the desired result.

As in the case of the earlier two phases, the averseness of the original and traditional BJP supporters for casting votes was quite apprehensible. Contrary to the enthusiasm exhibited by the turncoats, the traditional cadres and supporters of the BJP/RSS preferred to stay home.

A senior BJP leader said that after a long time, the RSS and BJP cadres in most of the cases did not form the booth committees and left the task for the BJP leaders and contesting candidates. A voter turnout of 60.19 per cent was recorded till 5 p.m. in the third phase of Lok Sabha elections in 94 constituencies spread over 11 States. Out of 94 seats, at least 86 seats were won in 2019 by the BJP. Naturally, the BJP is not supposed to gain much in this phase. Any gain for the opposition and INDIA bloc would be a major loss for the BJP, especially for the RSS.

Assam recorded the highest turnout at 74.86% followed by West Bengal at 73.93% while Maharashtra witnessed the lowest at 53.63%, with Bihar doing slightly better at 56.01.Modi who of late was refraining from using the phrase “400 paar”, once again used it at his Madhya Pradesh rally, at Dhar on Tuesday, when he said: “I want 400 seats in Lok Sabha to prevent Congress from looting OBC quota to benefit its vote bank.” “In last 5 years, we had nearly 400 seats, including NDA, regional parties and Independents; we used it to remove Article 370.” It obviously implied that Modi has been working on some plan to win the election.

Once again the saffron ecosystem has been actively projecting Rahul Gandhi as an immature politician, who can raise the issues but cannot govern the country. The ecosystem now plans to portray Rahul as a leader disconnected from the ground realities. According to the saffron sources, the latest disinformation campaign against Rahul is going to be the major task. However, without the underground network of RSS karyakartas, such a move would prove to be self-defeating for BJP.

Modi, stooping to a fresh low, has coined a new phrase: “Vote Jihad”. Exhorting the voters to choose between “vote jihad” and “Ram rajya”, he also tried to rake up the issue of Babri masjid, saying Congress would put a “Babri lock” put on the Ram temple in Ayodhya. Modi’s sinister ways to incessantly polarize the poll campaign go unacknowledged by the pliant and utterly incompetent Election Commission.

His clarification of Vote jihad is quite significant. He said: “Vote jihad means a particular section is being asked to unite and vote against Modi.” Truly speaking, it is not the Congress or INDIA that has descended so low in its appeasement bid; instead Modi has been trying to project him as invincible and denigrate the largest minority community in the country. In fact, some senior BJP leaders see through Modi’s utterances a much heinous design to rig the election. They hold that Modi’s comments should not be seen as a sign of desperation, but an attempt to galvanize the RSS and traditional BJP cadres and voters to shed their complacency and come out in support of the party.

Modi is seriously unnerved at poor turnover of 57 per cent in 10 constituencies in the third phase of the Lok Sabha elections. The situation is more or less the same in Maharashtra. Maharashtra saw a voter turnout of 54.09 [per cent in 11 out of 48 Lok Sabha constituencies. The first two phases had seen over 62% voter turnout. (IPA Service)

The post Rift Between RSS And BJP Getting Bigger With Every Phase Of Polling first appeared on Latest India news, analysis and reports on IPA Newspack.

The article Rift Between RSS And BJP Getting Bigger With Every Phase Of Polling appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

Narendra Modi expressing joy and taking jibe at Rahul Gandhi’s candidature from Rae Bareli shows that the man is blinded by political arrogance and overconfidence. His remark “Daro mat, bhago mat”, implying that Rahul left the Amethi seat out of fear, is simply empty electoral rhetoric wrapped in perception of joyous misreading of the moment.

His jibe, however, is also deceptive. Addressing an election rally in Bardhaman in West Bengal, Modi said: “I had said that Shehzada will lose the election in Wayanad. In fear of losing the seat, he will look for another seat to contest the election from. His party leaders were saying that he would come to Amethi. But he got so scared that he ran away from Amethi and is trying to find a way out in Rae Bareli. Tell him, “‘daro mat (don’t be scared)’”.

His remark on Sonia Gandhi re-entering Parliament through Rajya Sabha certainly does not behoove the political stature of a prime minister. Sonia has been on medication for long and prescribed restricted movement, naturally excluding her physical participation in the strenuous electoral campaigning activities for Lok Sabha. Modi’s remark on Sonia, “When a Congress leader quit Lok Sabha to enter Parliament via Rajya Sabha, I foresaw party’s imminent defeat”, is not only uncivil, but also politically immature and reflects his shakiness. Modi conveniently forgot the fact that Indira Gandhi too had been a member of Rajya Sabha from 1964 to 1967.

It is not that the saffron think-tank and ecosystem is unaware of the significance and efficacy of Rahul’s decision. There is no doubt that Amethi is identified with the Gandhis. But Rae Bareli carries cross-generational the Nehru-Gandhi legacy. In 2019, Rahul lost Amethi. That defeat, now inconsequential, is relevant only for records, and hardly for Rahul’s political potency. It is widely known that Rahul lost by 55,000 votes at the peak of communal polarisation of Hindus and post-Pulwama ultra-nationalism drummed up by the BJP-RSS ecosystem. Like much of India, voters of Amethi too were carried away in the ensuing emotions.

In sharp contrast, the voters of Rae Bareli did not allow themselves to be carried away by the communal rhetoric of Modi and continued to show their adherence to the Gandhi family. Obviously, this sentiment of the voters of Rae Bareli ought to be respected. There is no denying that Rahul’s decision to contest the election from Rae Bareli, historically linked to the Gandhi family for six decades now, has drawn attention to its VVIP legacy.

Rahul Gandhi’s grandfather Feroze Gandhi and his grandmother, former PM Indira Gandhi had represented the Rae Bareli seat since India became Independent. The illustrious seat has a rich history, with leaders like Arun Nehru, Sheila Kaul, and Satish Sharma, all associated with the Gandhi family, representing it in the past. Sonia Gandhi has held Rae Bareli four times between 2004 and 2019.

If the Congress had fielded some other candidate, the party would have sacrificed the legacy. Naturally, fielding Rahul from Rae Bareli instead of Amethi reflects the party’s strategic move. Not only it allows Rahul Gandhi to strengthen his hold on this Nehru-Gandhi bastion in the heart of Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous and electorally significant state, it also frees up Priyanka Gandhi-Vadra to concentrate on nationwide campaigns, with five phase of elections still to be held.

Rahul contesting from Rae Bareli has higher organisational stake. Modi has pinned his hope for future survival on Uttar Pradesh. However, the common people of the state have turned hostile to Modi. They want to defeat him. Realizing peoples’ mood, Rahul had agreed to Congress playing second fiddle Akhilesh Yadav-led Samajwadi Party and accepted his offer of 17 seats out of 80. Rahul’s second constituency, Wayanad in Kerala, which delivered for him a landslide victory in 2019, is expected not to betray Rahul, because the stakes of the election are much higher than a single prominent candidate. It is Rahul’s urge and commitment to rejuvenate the party in Hindi heartland that has made him also contest from the heart of Uttar Pradesh.

Rahul staying away from elections in UP would have inflicted more harm to the party. His presence in the electoral battle would reinvigorate and energise the cadres and the party can strive for retrieving its old support base. Indications of revival of the traditional support base of Congress are already becoming evident, with the coming together of Muslims, Dalits, EBCs and upper-caste Brahmins and Rajput, despite having a Rajput chief minister in Yogi Adityanath.

In the message to voters, Sonia Gandhi tried to identify herself with the feelings of the voters of Rae Bareli. She said: “My family in Delhi is incomplete without you. It completes when I come to Rae Bareli and meet all of you. My ties with you are very old. I have inherited these ties as a good fortune from my in-laws.”

Rahul not in the fray from Amethi, is certainly not the guarantee of Smriti Irani winning the seat for the second time. Absence of Rahul will turn the voters averse to the polling exercise. This will adversely affect Irani. With the expected challenger not in sight, Irani will find the going tough. Rahul choosing Rae Bareli has in fact enhanced the historical, emotional, and electoral significance for the Gandhi family compared to Amethi. With Sonia moving to Rajya Sabha, Rae Bareli must have a strong and prominent face from Nehru-Gandhi family and Rahul suits the role perfectly. Moreover, Rae Bareli also understands the need for shouldering the immense political responsibility to keep the flame of the Nehru-Gandhi’s electoral fortunes alive, and thus shape India’s secular democratic destiny altogether, with which the Nehru-Gandhis are intimately connected.

Smriti Irani, who had expected a fierce electoral fight, heaped scorn on Gandhi and described him as an escapist. But the bare fact is she is scared of the Congress candidate KishoriLal Sharma, as the mood of the Amethi voters is hostile and belligerent. A safe passage for Irani could not at all be predicted. If local feelings are to be respected, he would emerge as the rallying point for diverse political force opposed to Irani.

Saffron ecosystem has indulged in a nasty game. It has been trying to portray Priyanka Gandhi as a victim of her brother’s ambitions The BJP leaders are lamenting that Congress did not provide a safe seat for her; that it has disappointed her supporters and fans. An attempt is being made to project Priyanka as the rival of Rahul and having her own independent supporters and followers. However, the people of Uttar Pradesh see through the saffron sham. A senior retired police officer ridiculed this design of saffron ecosystem with the terse comment: “It is beyond imagination that supporters and saffron ecosystem could stoop so low.” (IPA Service)

The post Rahul Gandhi Contesting From Raebareli Is A Calculated Decision first appeared on Latest India news, analysis and reports on IPA Newspack.

The article Rahul Gandhi Contesting From Raebareli Is A Calculated Decision appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Kumar Shrivastav

Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and its Chairperson, Arvind Kejriwal, owe their political incarnation to the anti-corruption movement of 2011. The movement’s epicentre was Delhi and it brought together intellectuals from diverse fields – bureaucracy, law, teaching, banking, fine and performing arts, sports, films, and social work. Successful people from diverse backgrounds came together to create a political party where the central ideology was eradicating corruption. Barely ten years after AAP’s inception, its founder and central figure, Arvind Kejriwal himself, is facing corruption charges while three of his colleagues — Satyendra Jain, Manish Sisodia, and Sanjay Singh — are already in judicial custody for several months.

During the 2011 anti-corruption movement, Manmohan Singh-led UPA government was in power at the Center and Congress’ Sheila Dixit in Delhi. When they talked about removing corruption, they meant removing Congress from power. All those who were opposed to Congress, including people in the BJP and Hindutva outfits, lent their weight to the anti-corruption movement. Baba Ramdev’s heroics at Ramlila Maidan and his uncontrolled diatribe against Sonia Gandhi would still be fresh in the memory of many of the readers.

Subsequently, Arvind Kejriwal registered spectacular political wins in the Delhi Assembly elections, 28 seats out of 70 in 2013, then 67 in 2015, and 62 in 2020. This kind of victory is unprecedented in India’s political history, where there have always been strong counter-political forces for any party to feel too cosy or comfortable. While AAP’s grip over Delhi remained tight, with the civic poll also going in its favour, many of the luminaries in AAP’s initial team had deserted the party. Kiran Bedi, Prashant Bhushan, Anand Kumar, Yogender Yadav, and Kumar Vishwas, among many others, either left AAP or created a distance from AAP’s day-to-day affairs. This left Arvind Kejriwal with fewer friends who could stand up to the power when the tide turns against him.

But a true Delhiite, Kejriwal has been the typical rough and tough Delhi boy, with a don’t-mess-with-me attitude. He had his hands on the pulse of Delhi’s people. He knew what would cheer the people and make them fight for him. Others in politics had neither this connection with the Delhi people nor the time to make Delhi their priority.

Now comes the most vital part of what makes Arvind Kejriwal the phenomenon he is. People across Delhi would swear that Kejriwal has delivered on people’s expectations like no one did in the past. A big reason for AAP’s political victory, particularly in 2015, was the inflated electricity bills that people received. It was the early days of private distribution of electricity and collection of bills, and in Delhi, power distribution companies of Reliance and Tata were engaged. AAP cashed in on people’s frustration over electricity bills that Delhi consumers would think were twice or thrice higher than the actual bills. After coming to power, the AAP government set this right and, in the process, sent strong signals to both profit-seeking industrialists and greedy bureaucrats that the AAP government would not tolerate the exploitation of the people.

While AAP and Kejriwal have been able to rein in greedy elements and transfer the benefits to the people, there was a limit to how much he could do. Then, Kejriwal tried to make a distinction by prioritising education and healthcare. But in the face of Delhi’s extreme population density in certain pockets, updating or upgrading existing schools or healthcare infrastructure was possible only to a point. Then, Kejriwal tried giving pensions and monetary help to widows, handicapped people, and so on. Thanks to its strong carder base in Delhi, the AAP government ensured the needy received government benefits.

At this juncture, the Delhi government under AAP needed more funds, but, so far, it could not augment existing revenue streams or add new ones. Where will the money come from for AAP’s ambitious pro-people initiatives? Liquor is bad but government needs money to do good. Kejriwal’s idealism hit the harsh realities of politics and governance.

One can understand his intent when Kejriwal says he cares for Delhi’s people. How to get the money to get maximum benefit to the people is a question that makes and breaks governments. All state governments and government bodies face this problem. It is also a universal problem faced by every government in the world. Kejriwal could have used understanding and empathy with other governments and taken a collaborative approach to getting more funds for his state and people.

But once you side with the masses and make a chorus with them, you are likely going to be a rebel than a statesman. Imran Khan’s politics in Pakistan serves as an example. Here lies Kejriwal’s vulnerability.

A critical area where Kejriwal could have shown his calibre was tackling Delhi’s pollution. In 2015, the Chinese capital, Beijing, was in the grip of extreme air pollution; today, it’s an example of a complete turnaround. Delhi was another world capital hit by high air and noise pollution; it’s still so. (IPA Service)

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By Arun Srivastava

Hype created by the urban middle class “andhabhakts” that Narendra Modi is invincible and he is the redeemer has few takers even within the rank and file of the BJP. Barely a month back, Modi came up with the slogan “Teesri baar Modi sarkar, abki baar 400 paar”, passing it off as the creation of the common people of the country, the voters.

Modi has a penchant of relating himself with the people and he also claims to imbibe their words and aspirations. But indeed, as a sad commentary, his own partymen are now refusing to borrow his words, least the common voters. Modi has been insisting on this new catchphrase to captivate the imagination of people, but it does not appear to have enticed them. This is manifest in the refusal of candidates selected by him to contest the ensuing Lok Sabha election.

Modi, through this slogan, has been striving to project himself as the most invincible leader, ready and deserving of a third term. He wants to convince the contestants of their sureshot victory. But it appears that the party nominees are not willing to take his assurances seriously. Had it not been the case, there was no reason for candidates to be refusing the tickets. What has really come as a shock is that the maximum number of refusals have been reported from Gujarat, the citadel of saffron ecosystem and home state of the duo, Modi and Amit Shah, the party faces. Of the five, at least two are sitting MPs.

Ranjanben Bhatt, the BJP MP from Vadodara, declined to contest despite being offered the ticket for the third time. She made her decision public through social media posts. Bhikaji Thakor, BJP candidate from Sabarkantha, also expressed his unwillingness to contest the elections. These candidates were assured of a sure victory with the double engine government in place. But even then, the nominees are not sure.

The situation is quite volatile in Rajasthan, Haryana and even in Uttar Pradesh. Least to speak of the hostility that grips the party in Karnataka. Disquiet has been brewing in Karnataka’s BJP ever since son of the B S Yediyurappa became the state chief of the party. Public accusations were hurled that Modi and Shah have been patronising and promoting dynastic rule in the state. Even then, some of the local leaders had threatened to desert the party.

The situation has really turned volatile after the party released its second list of candidates for 20 out of 28 seats and the bubble burst. Former deputy chief minister KS Eshwarappa, who was seeking a ticket for his son KE Kantesh, said, he is determined to contest as an Independent against the BJP. He accused BS Yediyurappa of cheating him. Ananth Kumar Hegde, known for his divisive comments, has been dropped from the Uttara Kannada seat that he represents.

Union Minister General V.K. Singh (retd) on Sunday announced that he would not contest the upcoming Lok Sabha elections. The former army chief has been a two-time MP from Ghaziabad in Uttar Pradesh. He made this announcement in a post on X, stating: “I have dedicated my entire life to the service of this nation as a soldier. For the last 10 years, I have worked tirelessly to fulfill the dream of making Ghaziabad a world-class city. In this journey, I am grateful for the trust and love that I have received from the people of the country and Ghaziabad as well as from the members of the BJP. This emotional bond is priceless for me. With these feelings, I have made a difficult, but thoughtful decision.”

Per sources, at least three BJP nominees from UP are reluctant to contest. All of them are from upper caste Brahmin and Thakur backgrounds. One of them is a sitting MP. They are not sure that Modi magic will work this time. With the changing mood of the voters and dalit, OBCs and EBCs along with Muslims shifting their loyalty to the INDIA bloc, especially to the Congress, they are convinced that the BJP will not be able to retain 62 seats it had won in 2019 in the wake of nationalist euphoria created by Pulwama massacre.

The Hindu voters from the Hindi heartland are not too optimistic about Modi even gaining halfway mark. They point out that the ecstasy of Ram Temple has vanished. Rahul’s thrust on caste-census and betrayal of the OBCs and EBCs by the upper caste-controlled BJP has managed to have its impact on the poor and proletariat.

In Bengal, a significant number of state-level BJP leaders have deserted the party and joined the TMC. Mukut Mani Adhikari, a BJP MLA from the Matua bastion in West Bengal’s Nadia district, who represents the Ranaghat Dakshin constituency, has switched over to TMC. Santanu Thakur, the BJP MP representing Matua, is under pressure not to contest from his castemen, who nurse the view that BJP has betrayed them in the matter of nationality.

A Congress leader joining BJP certainly is not a consequential issue. With the party out of power and no immediate possibility of its coming to power, a Congress person could certainly prefer to desert the party. But that is not the case with BJP. With the tallest leader Modi leading it with the call to come back to power for the third consecutive term, there is no reason for the leaders to deny the ticket. But they are doing it. Obviously, it sends an ominous message.

The only plausible reason could be the seasoned politicians have come to realise that the ground is slipping and Modi was standing on a sticky wicket. His claim for the third win is nothing more than sound of an empty pot. He is desperate to prove his impeccability and relevance. This refusal has been taking place at a time when the INDIA bloc has not projected its alternative to Modi. This strategic move of INDIA bloc has gone well with the BJP men. They have started perceiving Rahul as the PM face for INDIA bloc.

In fact, the BJP leaders have also started sharing the charge of the INDIA leaders that Modi has turned vindictive, which is why he has been harassing and humiliating the INDIA leaders. They are scared of the spectre where Modi will turn autocratic for even the BJP and subvert the saffron entire system. The INDIA sources are optimist that at their March 31 rally in Delhi, organised to protest against arrest of Arvind Kejriwal, may witness some BJP leaders sharing the podium.

Nevertheless, some senior Congress leaders feel that the party should emphasise more on the caste census than any other issue. It has widened the caste chasm inside the BJP and this is the primary reason for some leaders unwilling to contest the election. The dalits and OBCs who had rallied behind the BJP in earlier assembly elections are now in the mood to rally behind the Congress in Lok Sabha election. This realisation is also the reason for the Congress leadership making efforts to vet any dissidence over Rahul’s focus on a caste census, a departure from the party’s traditional politics that has dismayed some upper-caste party veterans.

While defending the demand for a caste census, the party president Mallikarjun Kharge on Sunday underlined that the wealth of billionaires rose 280 per cent between 2014 and 2022, ten times the growth in the average national income. He said: “Around 34 per cent families earn less than the minimum wage of Rs 375 a day. The Congress has therefore given a broad guarantee for social, economic and caste census under ‘Hissedari Nyay’.”

Some upper caste Congress leaders however feel that Rahul’s thrust on a caste census is not in tune with the party’s centrist politics. In the past the party emphasised “najat par parna pat paer, mohar lagao hath par” (not on caste, stamp on hand). But these leaders say that the situation is changing fast and the party ought to change its stand and approach. In fact, this change in the political stance of the Congress had seriously unnerved the BJP leaders. They nurse the feeling that they will have to rely on their own image and resources for winning the election. (IPA Service)

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By Arun Srivastava

Pursuing the famous Marxist doctrine, one step forward and two steps backward, the Congress has relented to the demands of the satraps of the regional parties like TMC, SP and is virtually pitching to play second fiddle to them. To be reckoned as less important or being in weaker position is certainly not a small bet. By resorting to this strategy, Rahul has succeeded in sending out a strong message that the INDIA bloc would bring down Narendra Modi from power.

Rahul Gandhi’s tactical move has also denied the critics a stick to beat the Congress with and indulge in games of one-upmanship. Ironically, leaders like Mamata Banerjee, Akhilesh Yadav and earlier, Nitish Kumar, instead of strengthening the INDIA bloc, have been demeaning it and even blaming Rahul for being more interested in rejuvenating his own party than fighting Modi.

Nitish Kumar had cited the delay in seat-sharing as Rahul’s averseness to truly strengthening opposition unity, as the reason for his parting ways with INDIA. Mamata Banerjee was so angry with the delay in seat-sharing that she announced her decision to quit INDIA and go alone to the polls. AAP leader Arvind Kejriwal had also expressed his desire to pull out of INDIA only for this.

SP chief Akhilesh Yadav had virtually shut his door for Congress by unanimously announcing his candidates for at least 23 constituencies. He even blamed the Congress for INDIA being a non-starter and even projected his PDA as the real alternative to the BJP. Certainly, this nature of posturing by these regional satraps does not enthuse the voters. They are sceptical of their future moves.

On the other hand, Rahul relenting to their demands has boosted his image and projected him as an altruistic and selfless leader. In a way, through their jibes and accusations, these opposition leaders have to a great extent blunted the allegations of Modi, who has tirelessly been accusing the Gandhi family of being power hungry; those who cannot survive without power.

Since November 2023, these leaders have been clamouring for seat adjustment. The fact is these parties do not have enough leaders to field them from the constituencies. On the contrary, the RSS and BJP have already finalised the names of the candidates, but they are still not willing to make them public. Even the Godi media has been maintaining absolute silence. It has been more worried about the INDIA bloc. While they have been trying to project this as real contentious issue, they maintain complete silence in the case of BJP.

The RSS and BJP have so far have not succeeded in finalising seat-sharing in states like Bihar, UP, Maharashtra, and Madhya Pradesh. Probably, the saffron leadership is waiting for deserters from Congress, after being denied tickets. Even in Bihar, Modi and Amit Shah have not given their consent to Nitish’s proposal to contest 17 seats. In UP too, the small parties are on tenterhooks whether Modi and Shah would concede to their demands.

The situation is Maharashtra is quite complex. After being declared as the original Shiv Sena and NCP, both Eknath Shinde and Ajit Pawar have staked claims for each contesting half of the total 48 seats. The question obviously arises in that situation how many seats the BJP would actually contest. Interestingly, the Godi media is not at all concerned about the internecine clash amongst the NDA constituents.

How this saffron strategy could go unnoticed for the regional satraps remains a mystery. In a way they have been giving the finishing touches to the RSS and BJP insinuation campaign against Congress. With Congress reaching out to Akhilesh and Mamata, it has become explicit that they are yet to acquire political maturity notwithstanding their claim for fame. Congress accepted the offer of 17 seats from Akhilesh. It did not press for two or three seats more.

In Bengal, Congress reached out to Mamata Banerjee to restart talks that fell through last month after she refused to budge from her offer of two Lok Sabha seats. Now the same Mamata is learnt to have agreed to give five seats. A leader like Mamata ought to have weighed in the impact of insinuation she had barbed against Rahul. In fact, she had openly blamed Rahul for the INDIA bloc impasse. She and her colleagues may not agree, but the fact is the recent intensification of the BJP onslaught against her owes to the perception making rounds in the political circle of her losing grip and ground in Bengal. Her failure to rally the entire opposition against the BJP has pushed her to the receiving end.

Rahul’s flexibility has also helped the party in Maharashtra, the state having substantial number of seats. This follows Rahul’s outreach to Shiv Sena (UBT) chief Uddhav Thackeray and Sharad Pawar. The INDIA bloc must have parties like Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi of Prakash Ambedkar and Soshit Samaj Party of Swami Maurya in UP on the board. More than the numerical loss, their association is most important for tactical and emotional reasons. Congress must not forget that it was simply the feeling of dishonour that had alienated the Dalits and EBCs in the assembly elections in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan from Congress and the party had to lose the winning states.

If the INDIA partners need to properly analyse and comprehend the moves of Rahul Gandhi, it is more important for his close aides and team members to grasp and understand the implications of his moves. There is no denying that they had created mess in UP and Bengal since they could not make out proper implication of his moves. INDIA bloc has already lost Nitish Kumar founder of the bloc and Jayant Chaudhary’s Rashtra Lok Dal. Both the JDU and the RLD have aligned with the BJP. INDIA bloc can no longer take such shocks. Rahul’s team members have to realise the inference of his changing tactics and policies.

The strident postures of Mamata and Akhilesh have not gone well down with the people. Most of the believed that Congress was arm-twisted to accept their offers. Rahul adopting too generous stance has earned appreciation for him from the people. They have come to nurse the feeling that it is not the Congress which simply desired to rule. Under Rahul, Congress is genuinely striving to empower the poor and bring about the basic societal and economic changes. (IPA Service)

The post Rahul Stoops To Conquer, Sacrifices Few Seats For INDIA Bloc’s Benefit first appeared on Latest India news, analysis and reports on IPA Newspack.

The article Rahul Stoops To Conquer, Sacrifices Few Seats For INDIA Bloc’s Benefit appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

Narendra Modi’s lurid boast on the floor of Parliament that he would be the prime minister for the third time and his party would alone win 370 seats deserves attention. The question is why is he so confident? Are RSS and BJP leaders busy hacking the Lok Sabha elections? Does democracy mean nothing anymore?

Gradually, the Indian masses are turning averse to Modi, losing trust in his leadership, and the prime minister’s image has been taking a beating in recent times. Moreover, the saffron ecosystem is failing to exploit Hindutva slogans of ‘Jai Shri Ram’ and ‘Jai Bajrang Bali’ to lure people in as was seen in recent assembly elections. In addition, Rahul Gandhi’s Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra, which is incidentally attracting massive support from the people throughout the journey, has been exposing the ominous designs and patently discriminatory policies of the Modi administration. Hence, to claim that Modi would definitively win the Lok Sabha election this year is a bit of a gamble. Odds are against him. Election strategists and psephologists are not convinced of his victory. In this backdrop, the PM’s bombastic boast does give rise to skepticism over his intentions.

Modi claimed: “My third term is not very far away. It is just 100-125 days away and this time the entire country is saying 400-plus. I don’t usually get into numbers, but given the mood of the country, the NDA will surely cross 400 seats and the BJP will definitely get 370 seats.” His emphatic assertion nonetheless raises fears of massive manipulation, as was witnessed in the alleged 2Gscam case or the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. Or, is he resorting to this strategy to fool and dishearten the opposition rank and file and confuse people?

While Modi was boasting of his future win in the Lok Sabha election in parliament, in the assembly of Jharkhand, the former chief minister of the state, Hemant Soren openly accused the Modi government of framing him in a false case. Soren was arrested by the ED only four days back from the Raj Bhawan, while he had gone to meet the Governor, C.P. Radhakrishnan, participating in the confidence seeking motion in the assembly. Soren exposed how Modi plans to secure electoral majority for his government.

Soren laid bare Modi’s nefarious plot to denigrate adivasis for electoral gains. Soren implied that Modi was planning to put the non-adivasis, precisely the Hindu settlers, against adivasis, adding that the Modi-led centre despised Adivasis and Dalits. “The system they created doesn’t hesitate to say that they (Adivasis) come from the jungle and should remain there,” Soren said in the assembly. This was probably for the first time that the issue of non-adivasis exploiting and despising adivasis has featured in public domain. And this was being engineered by none else but Modi.

Soren said: “Where does so much malice come from? This is beyond my understanding…. We came out of the forest and sat next to them. They want us to remain in the jungle as their clothes started getting stained when we sat next to them.” He added, “If our opponents have their way, we will have to go back to the forest and live the life lived by our ancestors.”

Soren continued: “A black night and a black chapter were added to the democracy of the country on the night of January 31. I think this is the first time in the country’s history that a chief minister was arrested inside the Raj Bhavan. I don’t remember if this has happened before. I feel the Raj Bhavan was also involved in this episode.” He pointed to a nasty conspiracy: “They had been planning this January 31 episode for a long time, since 2022. They were cooking this on a low flame. This dish was not ready… but they served the half-cooked dish and arrested me.”

He emphasised: “They think that by putting me behind bars, they will succeed in their plans. But this is Jharkhand. This is a state where, in every corner, an Adivasi, Dalit and backward class (person) gave up their lives to save those of other Adivasis and Dalits.” He added: “I have not accepted defeat and will give a fitting reply to such feudal forces at the right time.”

Soren threw a challenge to Modi: “Today, I have been arrested on the charge of usurping an 8.5-acre plot. If they (the BJP) have the courage, let them furnish documents showing the land registered in my name. If it’s proved, I shall quit politics and leave Jharkhand. Agar hai himmat to dikhaaye (If you have courage then show it, prove it. We have not yet accepted defeat. If they think they can succeed by putting me behind bars, this is Jharkhand where many people have laid down their lives.”

He went on to claim that the ‘conspiracy’ to arrest him was hatched because he comes from a tribal community. “Why so much hate against me? No CM or any other leader of such stature has ever been arrested inside the Raj Bhavan. This happened because I come from the Tribal community. I won’t shed my tears, for you the tears of Adivasis don’t matter.”

Articulating the tribal anger against the BJP, RSS and the central investigative agencies, Soren alleged: “These people (BJP) have been torturing tribals, Dalits and minorities for many years and my arrest on January 31 is also part of such oppression. These people want the tribal community to live in forests like they used to live 50 to 100 years ago. These people (BJP) may put me behind bars, but my party JMM is not going to accept defeat. They do not know that this is Jharkhand and countless tribals here have always fought against exploitation and atrocities. These are the people who are conspiring against us and have not worn the Gandhi cap till date.”

“I will not shed tears, because tears have no value for you. When the time comes, I will give a befitting reply to each of their questions and conspiracies. They never want anyone from the tribal community to complete his five-year term as Chief Minister of Jharkhand. Forget me, even in their own party these people did not allow any tribal Chief Minister to complete his five-year term,” he said.

Soren has thoroughly exposed the façade of RSS and Modi’s so-called sympathy for the tribals. Modi must not have dreamt that his boast would receive such a severe shock within minutes of his assertion. Since Soren has emerged as the tribal face across the country, this humiliation meted out to him is being perceived as revenge by Modi. Soren said on the floor of the assembly: “The BJP doesn’t want a tribal chief minister to complete five years in Jharkhand, they did not allow this in its regimes.”

He went on to accuse the BJP of mistreating all Adivasi and Dalit communities, of denying them of their dignity. “They are not ashamed to say things like, ‘These people came from the jungle and should stay in the jungle.’ We have come out of the jungle and reached their level, but they look at us as untouchables. I was working to break these perceptions. My government was working to uplift the very communities they are looking down upon. I have not given up. They think that by putting me in jail, they will win. But this is Jharkhand. This is state where from every corner, our Adivasi, Dalit, backward community fighters have laid down their lives for their communities,” Soren said.

Soren added: “We were told on January 22 that ‘Ram Rajya’ has come. The first step of that was in Bihar. The second step was in Jharkhand, when an Adivasi chief minister was arrested. …I have no regrets whatsoever. Maybe now they will say I cannot fight elections. But Jharkhand Mukti Morcha has always fought for the state’s dignity, rights, and more, and it will continue to do that, whether the fight is electoral, legal or on any other standard. We have never stepped back, and we won’t step back now.”

Soren’s aggressive posture makes it amply clear that Modi lives in his make-believe world, far from the simmering discontent in the ground. His insinuation against Congress and opposition parties would not bestow upon him with the rose petals of a smooth victory. He also must not nurse the view that opposition and Congress have been politically finished. Had the Congress been indeed written off, then what is the rationale of Modi consistently harping and naming Congress? His portraying Rahul Gandhi as a “Pappu” and incessant misguided attempts to belittle Congress have only lowered his image in the eyes of the people, who have come to nurse the feeling that Modi has one point agenda, abuse Congress, and is not concerned of the welfare and development of the poor. (IPA Service)

The post Hemant Soren Exposed Modi Design To Pit Non-Adivasis Against Adivasis first appeared on Latest India news, analysis and reports on IPA Newspack.

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By Arun Kumar Shrivastav

On the third anniversary of the military coup in Myanmar, a joint statement from the European Union, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Norway, South Korea, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States condemned the ongoing violence and human rights abuses perpetrated by the military regime. The statement released by Global Affairs Canada highlighted the devastating impact of the coup. Thousands of civilians have been jailed, tortured, and killed. Its military rule has caused the widespread destruction of infrastructure and the displacement of millions of people, it said.

“Under the military regime, violence against civilians has escalated, with thousands jailed, tortured and killed. Airstrikes, shelling and arson have been used to destroy civilian infrastructure, including homes, schools, healthcare facilities and places of worship…. The military’s actions have fuelled a growing humanitarian crisis with 2.6 million people displaced from their homes and more than 18 million people in need,” the statement from Global Affairs Canada stated.

The statement urged the military to engage in meaningful dialogue with all stakeholders and implement the Five-Point Consensus adopted by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). It also called on the UN Security Council to strengthen its efforts and urged all member states to support humanitarian needs in Myanmar and neighbouring countries.

Three years ago, on February 1, 2021, Myanmar’s military overthrew the democratically elected government, detaining Aung San SuuKyi and other leaders. The coup plunged the country into an ongoing conflict with significant humanitarian consequences.

On February 1, 2024, many Myanmar citizens participated in a nationwide silent protest, expressing their opposition to the military regime despite the risk of repression. This unity follows intense fighting by pro-democracy armed groups in various regions, highlighting continued resistance to the junta.

A Myanmar fan of pro-democracy leader Suu Kyi paid tribute to her on Twitter by posting one of her famous quotes: “The only real prison is FEAR, and the only real freedom is FREEDOM from fear – Aung San SuuKyi” With thousands killed and imprisoned in the last three years, Suu Kyi remains a big inspiration for the pro-democracy fighters.

Multiple ethnic armed groups, including the Arakan Army and the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), continue to engage in armed conflict with the military. This includes incidents like the reported shooting down of a junta helicopter by the KNLA, demonstrating the ongoing challenges to the junta’s control. The Rohingya population continues to face significant hardship, as highlighted by the Rohingya Union for Women Education & Development. Their plight remains a major concern within the broader conflict.

Ugandan Member of Parliament Suuna King James has raised the alarm over 450 Ugandans allegedly held hostage by rebels near the Chinese border in Myanmar. “This is the area where 450 Ugandans are being held hostage by Myanmar rebels near the border with China. The town was seized by rebels 2wks ago; China evacuated its nationals, leaving their employees behind. We wait to see if Uganda will send its commandos on a rescue mission,” his tweet, accompanied by a video from a Myanmar site on February 1.

European Parliament in ASEAN on February 1, 2024, tweeted, “Three years ago, Myanmar’s military overthrew by force a democratically elected government. Today, the EU Parliament welcomes @NUGMyanmar Minister @ZawWaiSoe4 and reaffirms its unwavering commitment to the Myanmar people in their quest for a free, peaceful and democratic future.”

The junta’s extension of emergency rule underscores its intention to maintain control and disregard for democratic aspirations. This move has been met with international condemnation, including calls by figures like UK Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn to end the dictatorship and sever ties with the junta. Despite international pressure and ongoing resistance within Myanmar, the military junta retains control. The situation remains volatile, characterized by armed conflict, human rights abuses, and a worsening humanitarian crisis.

Finding a path towards peace and democracy in Myanmar requires sustained pressure on the junta, coupled with support for the democratic movement and efforts to alleviate the suffering of the people. This necessitates comprehensive and inclusive solutions that address the root causes of the conflict and respect the will of the Myanmar people.

“We condemn in the strongest possible terms the military regime’s ongoing atrocities and human rights violations,” the statement by Global Affairs Canada said, calling for an immediate end to the violence and the release of all political prisoners. (IPA Service)

The post Myanmar Junta Losing More Areas To Rebels As The Coup Completes Three Years first appeared on Latest India news, analysis and reports on IPA Newspack.

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By Arun Srivastava

Narendra Modi and Amit Shah’s latest masterstroke might have gone awry, as their operation “destroy INDIA bloc” seems to have caused blowback and impaired their own interest. In their quest to project themselves as adroit political Svengalis, they have harmed their own cause more than inflicting damage to the Congress.

Their lending a helping hand to Nitish Kumar, in the tiff of one-upmanship, has projected the duopoly as the enemies of youths of Bihar. Youths of Bihar for decades have traditionally been quite politically sensitive. They have a glorious past of struggles. In recent times, especially the urban middle class youths have come to nurse a soft corner for Modi. But his move to engineer split and desertion of the opposition alliance by Nitish has turned the youth hostile. Though for common people of Bihar, Nitish is more like a political Natwarlal, for the youths, he is a Nero, who is least bothered of their welfare.

In an unexpected turn of events, the youths who were erstwhile divided on caste lines and stood by their caste leaders, have developed strong empathy for Tejashvi Yadav and Rahul Gandhi. Their fondness for Rahul and Tejashvi could be seen in their massive turn out at the Purnea rally of Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra. They strongly hold the view that at the instructions of Modi, Nitish did the latest somersault to prevent them from really achieving caste justice and progressive development. The youths are also sceptical that Nitish in his new NDA avatar would abandon al the promises made by the Mahagathbandhan government to the youths.

The youths feel cheated. Modi must not take it as a storm in tea-cup. This anger that has burst barely two months before the Lok Sabha elections may prove disastrous for RSS and BJP. The anger among the youth is not only confined to Patna. This was seen even in the far corner of the state, Araria, the work place of famous rebel writer Phanishwarnath Renu. Even the seasoned Congress leaders were astonished at their presence at the meet to listen to Rahul.

For the state Congress leaders, the rally has come as a major morale booster.  The rally drew massive response notwithstanding absence of RJD chief Lalu Prasad and Tejashvi Yadav. None of them were present to address the participants. While ED had summoned and grilled ailing Lalu for nearly eleven hours on January 29, it had summoned Tejashvi the next day. Both were interrogated in the alleged land for job scam.

However, the leaders of Grand Alliance see through this action of ED as a nasty plot to discredit the INDIA bloc, framed at the behest of Modi and Amit Shah, that with exit of Nitish Mahagathbandhan would lose its relevance and collapse in the state. Modi and Shah also nursed the opinion that a large chunk of Congress leaders and legislators would join the BJP.

Nonetheless, going by the mood of the participants and the enthusiasm that was visible at the ground, it could well be envisioned that both have failed. Their mission has suffered a miscarriage. The temper of the crowd, especially of the youths, was perceptible at the tumultuous cheers and clapping at Rahul’s remark. “Mahagathbandhan will fight for social justice in Bihar, we don’t require Nitish Kumar for the cause. We don’t require him at all”. A message had gone that youths of Bihar would prefer to identify with the Congress.

Just after Nitish deserted INDIA bloc, the mainstream media had started creating the impression that the alliance was in totters and it was not in the situation to pose a serious challenge to Modi.  It might appear to be an exaggeration, but the fact is the rally sent a strong message that it was alive and thriving.

Seasoned Congress leaders, those who have been associated with the party from their student days, as activists and leaders of NSUI, the response at some level exhibited the sign of resurrection of the party in the state. They openly expressed that for some of the MLAs and leaders those who were in a state of confusion about their future moves, whether to shift to BJP, this rally would prove to be a major deterrent.

Like in other states, the feudal and landed gentry has a firm grip on Congress in Bihar. But they could not manifest their antipathy to Rahul’s pitch that launching of caste census was the prime agenda for the party. His assertion of setting a new left-to-the-centre narrative, in contrast to the prevailing political line and philosophy of the party, apparently does not appear to face severe resistance. Leaders share the impression that in order to retrieve its lost ground it must have to follow the ideological narrative of Rahul. The party stands for Dalits, EBC, labourers and proletariat. Congress leaders have the habit of uttering populist schemes. But Rahul’s reflection was different.

Reminiscent of his thrust on alternate path and need for evolving new ideological narrative during the Bharat Jodo Yatra, Rahul made it liberally clear that the party must identify with the poor, dalit and proletariat if at all it has to survive and exist. Making a pitch for nationwide caste census, he said, “No one understands “samajik nyay (social justice)” better than Bihar. This country should know how many OBC, SC or ST people there are, for which a caste census is necessary. That will give every group an idea of what they deserve. That is actually the country’s X-Ray”. In fact at his rallies, whether it was in Kishanganj or Araria, he harped on social justice. “People must know what their rights are. This is what Congress promises to do.”

Moreover, INDIA leaders are not feeling betrayed and also are not scared of the ED and CBI.  The cool posture of Rahul has a major inspiration for them. The Bihar Congress chief Akhilesh Singh even said, “We have no problems with whoever wants to leave. I can assure Rahul ji that even after Nitish’s exit, Bihar’s Mahagathbandhan (RJD, Congress and Left) alliance will win two-thirds of the seats in the Lok Sabha.” This improved level of confidence simply reinforces the fact that Congress leaders are raring to take Modi head on.

Dipankar Bhattacharya, the general secretary of the CPI(ML), the other major ally of Mahagathbandhan, while stressed on the need for pursuing a pro-people political line, he emphasised that the prevailing political situation was just akin to the time of freedom struggle. Calling upon the political parties to undertake the fight against inequality, Dipankar said not to compromise with the ideology and fight for social justice and democracy.

He said India was passing through the worst time. Secularism, Constitution, and the socialist character of the country were being annihilated by the Modi regime. He was unsparing of Nitish. He said that Nitish had betrayed the legacy of Karpoori Thakur, who was the symbol of fight of poor against social and economic exploitation. In contrast Nitish was chief minister for nine terms but did nothing for the poor.

Emphasising that the INDIA bloc is a strong and viable force, the party chief Mallikarjun Kharge through his virtual participation told the audience that seat sharing would not prove to be a major hindrance. Talking to newspersons, Jairam Ramesh reiterated that one can’t imagine INDIA bloc without Mamata Banerjee. It is expected that Kharge’s team would soon finalise the seat-sharing and joint campaign arrangements with INDIA allies. Ramesh also took jibe, “Vishwas ghat karne mein visheshagya hain (Nitish Kumar is an expert at backstabbing). He changes his political colours like a chameleon… The entire drama was manufactured by the BJP, Prime Minister Modi and Amit Shah. However, it will not affect the INDIA bloc.”

However, the remark of senior TMC leader Sudip Bandhopadhyay: “If Mamata Banerjee can reduce the Congress and the Left to zero (in assembly polls), it can also reduce the BJP to zero (in Lok Sabha elections),” has not been received well  by the Congress leaders. They feel that instead of unnecessarily precipitating the issue, TMC leadership must maintain restraint. His observation: “We never received an invite from Rahul Gandhi. We received an invite from the party yesterday. What is the point of it when the Yatra has already begun,” has also thrown open a debate in the party circle, whether this implied that the aides of Rahul were not carrying out his instruction in right manner. Rahul a couple of days back had told that he had written to Mamata Banerjee inviting her to join the rally. (IPA Service)

The post Undeterred By Nitish-Modi, Rahul Marches Ahead For Mission 2024 first appeared on Latest India news, analysis and reports on IPA Newspack.

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By Arun Srivastava

Inside Rajbhawan in Patna, the three storied building in Palladian form built by the New Zealand architect, has been witness to the crude form of intrigue during last four days. While Nitish Kumar was taking oath of chief minister for ninth time in succession, outside the palatial structure, just beneath the statute of India’s first president, known for his commitment to probity in public life and strict adherence to truth, the people assembled there did not hesitate in using filthy words against the chief minister and forecast this fifth desertion will witness his political demise.

Undeniably Nitish’s (the famous Paltu Chacha) somersault does not have numerical relevance for help to Narendra Modi and Amit Shah. Of course they succeeded in their mission to weaken the INDIA bloc and send a message that the alliance was a fragile edifice. But the mood of the people does not endorse the views and optimism of Modi and Shah.

Nitish’s desertion has completely eroded his own personal trustworthiness, apart from shattering his political credibility than benefiting Modi. It was shocking to listen people comparing him with Modi as the avowed liar. The people are not even willing to subscribe to his accusation: ‘state of affairs within the ruling alliance in Bihar wasn’t good. I have resigned as CM as things were not working out well. Will leave the earlier alliance and form a new alliance now”.

Soon after resigning as the Bihar CM, Nitish said that he was not happy with the way things were going in the INDIA bloc that he helped take shape. But he lied in saying; “I sought the advice and opinions of everyone before coming to this decision. I took all opinions and suggestions to heart.” He made his decision based on the phone calls he received from Modi or Shah. In fact he rushed to Rajbhawan to put in his papers to Governor, after being asked by his Delhi bosses. People point out that he used to praise Tejashvi as the most obedient “bhatija” dy chief minister and appreciate his administrative skill. Since he had already planned to desert INDIA, he was now ridiculing him and using the non-cooperation as an alibi.

If the sources are to be relied, he had been working on the Modi-Shah plan since November and was waiting for the right time and opportunity to swing into action. The political circle is excited to decode the two words “ED” and “CD” which conjured him to resort to this suicidal action. Some of his close aides claim that he was feeling insulted at INDIA bloc leaders not making him the chairman of the alliance.

But what he is going to get after deserting the Mahagathbandhan. He continues to be chief minister and the worst thing to happen for him is; Modi and Shah have inducted two of his die hard bête noires, Vijay Sina and Samrat Choudhury as the deputy chief ministers. People are yet to forget how Vijay, as the speaker of assembly used to engage his verbal war with Nitish inside the house. How Nitish would use unsavoury words against Vijay. On his part Samrat had put on a “pagadi” turban with the oath that he would continue to wear it till he succeeds in his mission to pull down Nitish from power.

This latest volte face has left the opposition leaders stunned. They are confounded at his suicidal step. If he had continued to stay with INDIA bloc he would have been nationally most sought after leader. Now he would have to be subservient to Modi and carry out his orders. Just within 24 hours of his installation, signs have started appearing on the political scenario.

One thing is also quite noticeable: while Nitish puts the blame on RJD, especially Tejashvi, as the reason for his quitting the alliance, his political adviser K C Tyagi said, “Congress’s irresponsible and obstinate behaviour has shattered the INDIA bloc, which is on the verge of disintegration”.

He also accused Congress of not open to letting allies contest in its strongholds, “it kept pushing for more seats in states dominated by other Opposition parties. Congress is fighting for its survival. And it now wants to finish off regional forces”.

Alliance has not been the sole property of Congress. Neither Rahul nor Kharge had pressurised Nitish to give more seats to the Congress in Bihar than it deserved. Nevertheless, it is beyond comprehension to believe; Nitish or Tyagi? Who is speaking the truth? Tyagi, going by the prevailing developments appears to be telling simply lies. It is not clear why he did not endorse the stand of Nitish and held Tejashvi responsible?

Disgust of the alliance leaders to Nitish’s action is manifest in NCP Chief Sharad Pawar’s; “Don’t know what happened suddenly, but the public will definitely teach him a lesson for his role in the future”. The NCP dubbed BJP the “madari” of Nitish Kumar, who, it said “loves jumping to their commands”. If the sources inside the INDIA bloc are to be relied some alliance leaders were apprehensive of his moves and which is why they did not push the agenda of making Nitish the convenor or chairman of the bloc. The most vocal opponent was of course Mamata Banerjee. It was at her behest Congress chief Mallikarjun Kharge was made the chairman of the alliance.

Going by the ground realities, the Bihar developments do not mean advantage for BJP. As Bihar has 40 Lok Sabha seats, it makes it very significant politically. Once again it would be blunder to look at the present scenario in the backdrop of 2019. In that year Modi at the behest of RSS had completely communalised the election. He had sought votes from first timers on the name of genocide of our soldiers. This time even the efforts of RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat and Modi to use religion and Hindutva for election do not appear to be working. If it had worked, Modi would not have conferred Bharat Ratna to Karpoori Thakur and force Nitish to betray Lalu Yadav and INDIA bloc.

It would be wrong to see Nitish as indispensable for INDIA bloc. It would be naïve to ignore Tejashvi’s word of caution: “you people know I am true to my words. I do what I say and promise. The JD(U) would cease to exist by Lok Sabha election”. Word of caution has also been sounded by the CPI(ML) general secretary Dipankar Bhattacharya: “Bihar will not brook this betrayal and fight harder against the fascist offensive. It will be remembered as an act of great betrayal to the cause of democracy and social justice”.

Modi and Nitish must not take granted the support of the EBCs and a section of the OBCs. The people are feeling let down and disgusted. If at all one really intends to know the political scene of Bihar, he ought to seriously analyse the 2020 assembly election results. Nitish and his alliance partner could not finish the forces opposed to rightist politics. The Dalits and oppressed had voted for Left Front, which was fighting on its own and was not ally of either RJD or JD(U). Even in most of the constituencies the Dalits and RBCs voted for LEFT. During the recent years, the Left has managed to strengthen and improve its position in Bihar.

Nitish has become the chief minister, but the members of his own party JD(U) are working hard to split the party. Even on the day Nitish was being sworn in, at least 10 legislators, belonging to OBC and EBCs held a meeting and resolved to come out and bring in Tejashvi. They are clear that the mood of the people is quite hostile to JD(U) and BJP. Though BJP has been putting best efforts to win over the upper castes and OBCs, the latest development has made the OBCs to look other way.

The worst is, Dalit and EBC leaders who were humiliated by Nitish in full public view have been made to side with him by Modi and Shah. Nitish had used nasty words against harijan leader Jitan Ram Manjhi inside the house. He also has very strained relations with Chirag Paswan, the successor of Ram Vilas Paswan. Chirag is reluctant to work with Nitish. Meanwhile Nitish’s own caste enemy Kushwaha taking a jibe at him said “a leader who cannot even dare to win panchayat election cannot aspire to win assembly election”. The challenges are colossal for Modi and his latest manoeuvrings are certainly not enough to fetch votes for him.

The Mahagathbandhan under Tejashwi has learnt lessons and all the leader of the INDIA bloc are united in fighting the BJP-JD(U)combined in 2024 Lok Sabha polls. With JD(U) gone, RJD and the Congress will have more leeway in sharing of seats. The three Left parties, especially the powerful CPI(ML) Liberation will be getting more seats as also CPI and the CPI(M). The Left has the possibility of emerging as an important force in Bihar after the polls. For INDIA block, the challenge is tough but the outcome should be far more favourable compared to 2019 polls. (IPA Service)

The post After JD(U) Exit, INDIA Bloc Has To Adapt A Fresh Strategy To Take On BJP In Bihar first appeared on Latest India news, analysis and reports on IPA Newspack.

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By Arun Srivastava

While the maverick Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar is set to part with INDIA bloc posing question about the future of the alliance in the state, the top leaders of alliance held a mini-INDIA meet in Tamil Nadu pledging to defeat the BJP. Displaying the adroitness of the INDIA bloc, Tamil Nadu chief minister M K Stalin emphasised that INDIA bloc leaders have to realise that when the BJP was rattled at the prospect of a win for the Opposition alliance even at the level of a mayor poll in Chandigarh, unity among constituents will dislodge the saffron party from power at the Centre.

Stalin’s word of caution was simply not a coincidence. He meant it and it was primarily aimed at Nitish who out of personal frustration was working tirelessly to damage the very concept of opposition unity. None had expected that for the sake of his own personal interest he would trample all the parameters of decency. At a Republic Day celebration, one seat marked for Deputy chief minister, Tejashvi Yadav, was kept by the side of Nitish’s chair. Nitish’s blue eyed minister Ashok Choudhary reached him and tore away the name sticker stuck on the chair and occupied it. To the surprise of the people gathered for the event, Nitish did not advise him to desist from this “Unparliamentary” act.

Not only the leaders of the Mahagathbandhan including the left parties were shocked at this behaviour of Nitish’s chum, even some of the senior BJP leaders present on the occasion were stunned. One of them quipped “it simply manifest desperation of Nitish and at the same time his abhorrence towards Tejashvi and INDIA bloc leaders”.

While the INDIA bloc leaders, from RJD to left, are yet to comprehend the real reason behind this move of Nitish, some BJP leaders who do not subscribe to his devious manoeuvrings and share the common prevailing perception of his being “habitual political variable” and “enduring Paltu Ram” (deserter) are shocked at his walking straight into the political honey trap. He is simply not committing hara-kiri, but has sacrificed all the good works he has done for the people and the state.

Not only the BJP leaders, even the academics and social activists have a word of caution for him. They say “may be he is under pressure from Lalu Yadav to install Tejashvi as the chief minister at the earliest, but one thing is sure that Lalu never insulted him. In contrast Modi and Shah used to humiliate him while he headed the NDA government before parting from BJP to form the Mahagathbandhan government with RJD, Congress and Left parties. None else but Nitish had made it public after coming out of the NDA government in August 2022”.

Political watchers assert that Modi has not spared any possible opportunity from insulting him, whether it is on the issue of making Patna University into a central university or granting of special status to Bihar. Modi never bothered for the wishes and prestige of Nitish. It would be naïve too. Modi who does not respect his seniors, who insulted L K Advani who catapulted him as the prime minister, could never be expected that he would respect Nitish.

Modi embracing Nitish and opening his doors for him, much against the public declaration of Amit Shah that is too at a rally in Bihar that the gates of BJP have been shut for ever for Nitish, makes it abundantly clear that it is propelled more by electoral compulsion than love for Nitish. Modi is also aware of the fact that consecration of Ram Temple will not have any religious or psychological impact on the people, particularly the Dalits, Mahadalits and EBCs of the state. For winning the election it is imperative that he must exploit the name and image of Nitish.

But one development which has not gone unnoticed is the delay shown by Modi in reciprocating to Nitish’s overtures. Of course Modi and Shah for more than two months have been contemplating to have Nitish on their side, but they refrained from exhibiting it publicly. The sources affirm that three cabinet ministers of Nitish, acting at the instructions of Modi and Shah have done the ground work for return of Nitish to NDA.

Even some BJP leaders confess that they have been in touch with them and their national leaders. They were feeling uncomfortable with Tejashvi. They had also planned for removal of Chandrashekhar a minister from RJD quota. He used to speak out his mind openly against the wrong decisions of the government.

Modi has joined hands with Nitish to gain the votes of Dalits, mahadalits and EBCs. But it is misnomer. The assembly election of 2020 had sent a clear message that the poor and proletariats of Bihar continue to be loyal to the left forces, especially the CPI(ML). In last election the CPI(ML) led left front had contested on its own and won 16 seats. In some constituencies the RJD had fielded its candidates against the left. But failed miserably. JD(U) could not perform well as the Dalits and mahadalits and proletariats did not support it.

It would also be naïve to believe that RJD chief Lalu Yadav would allow Nitish to dictate the terms after he finally parts. He is already working on plan to split the JD(U). The sources maintain that OBC legislators of JD(U), nearly a dozen, have decided to switch over their allegiance to RJD in case Nitish severs his relation with INDIA bloc. Nitish is also planning to claim the credit for appointment of 2.25 lakh teachers and other development works the alliance government had done. But the RJD is also ready with its plan to put the fact in public domain; how he did it under pressure from RJD.

This time’s somersault might not augur well for Nitish. Literally a move to expose him has been making round in the political and social circle of the state. Nitish in his ebullience to appease Modi has gone beyond the script by speaking on dynastic rule. He simply reiterated Modi’s line. But this has not gone well with the RJD and its cadres and leaders. In fact the lead to rebut Nitish has come from Rohni Acharya, daughter of Lalu. In some tweets she wrote; “Samajwadi purodha hone ka karta wahi dava hai, hawaon ki tarah badalti jiski vichardhara hai (He, whose ideology changes like winds, claims to be a socialist stalwart or master)”.

Her second tweet was “Kheej jataye kya hoga jab hua na koi apna yogya, vidhi ka Vidhan kaun tale jab khud ki niyat mein ho khot (Venting frustration will not bear any result because none of his own came up as capable. Who can deflect divine destiny, when one’s own intention has fault)”. She further wrote: “Aksar kuchh log nahin dekh paate hain apni kamiyan, lekin kisi doosre pe kichad uchhalne ko karte hain badtamiziyan (Often people do not see their own deficiencies, but indulge in insolence to throw mud on others).”Nitish might leave INDIA bloc and join NDA again under Narendra Modi, but his own political career is nearly finished, his image has got the biggest hit and he may not recover from it again. (IPA Service)

The post Nitish Kumar May Part With INDIA Bloc To Join NDA, But His Image Has Got A Big Hit first appeared on Latest India news, analysis and reports on IPA Newspack.

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By Arun Srivastava

With Indian policing system getting excruciatingly communalised under the command of home minister Amit Shah, the Assam police chief G.P. Singh lodging an FIR against Rahul Gandhi and at least six other senior Congress leaders leading the Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra, has certainly neither been shocking nor disappointing.

Singh followed the saffron script and slapped the FIR against Congress leaders simply to keep his political master Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma happy and be on his right side. Sycophancy pays. This has been the chief political tenet under the saffron rule. The officials are also aware of the dangerous consequences of questioning their diktats. But Singh implicating these leaders under various sections of the IPC and PDPP (Prevention of Damage to Public Property) Act and handing it over to the CID for a “thorough and in-depth investigation” through an SIT to be constituted by the additional director-general of police, simply underlines that the plan hatched against Rahul has wider implications and multiple dimensions.

Sarma intends to incapacitate Rahul before the Lok Sabha election, and, if possible, arrest him in the middle of the Nyay Yatra and sabotage his mission. Assam police, instead of transferring the case to the CID, should have investigated the charges against Rahul for violation of laws in Guwahati on its own. Singh’s decision to transfer the case suo moto to CID gives rise to apprehension that Sarma has been acting on a plan to send Rahul to jail.

The Congress has described the FIR lodged against Rahul and other leaders who are part of the Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra as a “political FIR”. Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge has also written to Amit Shah about the “serious” security issues faced by Rahul and the Yatra in Assam over the last few days. But it does not appear that the letter will have any impact on Modi and Shah.

Kharge in his letter also cited instances of alleged police lapses, including how the cops were “found” protecting the posters of the BJP at Amguri in Sibsagar district, “instead of ensuring safe passage for the Yatra” on January 18. He also mentioned about miscreants associated with the BJP were caught defacing and taking down posters and hoardings of the Yatra in Lakhimpur district and of “outrageous attack” on the Yatra in Sonitpur district on January 21.

Rahul was absolutely right in saying that Sarma’s action has helped the message of Yatra reach to the vast masses of people, which they would not have dreamt of receiving in a normal situation as the mainstream media would have completely airbrushed any Yatra-related news. In fact, Assam Congress also hit out at Sarma by tweeting: “Thank you @himantabiswa Ji for helping us with publicity. BTW, it seems you yourself filed the FIR, such cowardice doesn’t suit you. And rather than wasting so much energy in disrupting the yatra, you could’ve done some real work. No wonder why Assam is spiralling down to the bottom in every aspect.”

What indeed has come as rude shock is the reluctance of constituents of the INDIA bloc to react and condemn this scheming of BJP and Sarma. The day Rahul was confronting the attack of the BJP goons and Assam police action in the state, Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee was targeting him and the Congress of not bowing to her sentiments.

She blew the issue of seat-sharing out of proportion and projected it as the primary issue. Her posture has indeed come as a surprise as she was retorting to a statements made by the PCC chief Adhir Ranjan Choudhury. He had demanded 10 seats. In the case of bargain for seat sharing, making such demands are certainly unusual. And this should not have been the reason for Mamata threatening to pull out of the INDIA bloc entirely.

Mamata conveniently forgot that at the Mumbai meet of INDIA, the leaders had pledged to rise above their ego and sacrifice narrow self-interest in their mission to defeat BJP. But Mamata’s stance made it abundantly clear that she had forgotten that pledge. She was not speaking the truth in saying that her decision to fight the elections is due to failed seat-sharing talks with Congress. The fact is so far no serious discussion between the senior leaders of Congress and TMC has taken place. The leaders were engaged in a shadow war through press statements, even after being fully aware that media was extremely hostile to the INDIA bloc.

The decision to part ways with the Opposition alliance comes after Mamata and Adhir Ranjan Choudhury exchanged barbs at each other. The BJP which has been trying to shred the INDIA bloc took advantage of the situation and its IT cell chief Amit Malviya ridiculed saying that Mamata’s decision to fight alone is a “sign of desperation”. “Unable to hold her political ground, she wants to fight all seats, in the hope that she can still be relevant, after the polls. Much against her desire to emerge as the face of the Opposition alliance, no one ever proposed her name. Her several trips to Delhi, to build a national profile, didn’t work. She just couldn’t hide the blood of post poll violence and rid herself of the nauseating stink of appeasement politics,” Malviya said.

Since CPI (M)-led Left Front, Congress and TMC are part of the 28-party opposition INDIA bloc, Mamata cannot be obstinate and must adopt a pragmatic approach. Undeniably, CPI(M) has been her prime enemy, but in the greater fight against autocracy and towards saving democracy, some compromise is crucial. Being a seasoned politician, she cannot ignore this hard truth.

Mamata has one more charged against Congress that it had not informed her about the Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra’s schedule in the state. But this was vehemently refuted by the Congress leaders who putting the facts straight said that the party chief Mallikarjun Kharge and Rahul had written separate letters to Mamata on January 13, informing her about the Yatra. Whether the letters reached her Kalighat residence or the state secretariat Nabanna is not known to them. This in fact questions the efficacy of the functioning of Mamata office. Has she been kept in dark?

Both Rahul and Kharge have made it explicitly public that idea of INDIA is not compatible and also could not be conceived without Mamata. Jairam Ramesh, Congress general secretary said: “Trinamool is a pillar of the alliance, we cannot imagine the alliance without Mamata ji. Tomorrow, our yatra is entering West Bengal. Discussions regarding seat sharing are being done and a result will come soon that will keep everyone satisfied.” Obviously in this backdrop, making an issue of Choudhury’s demand does not behove to her political stature.

Within hours of Mamata’s diatribe of going alone, the chief minister of Punjab, senior AAP leader Bhagwant Singh Mann also cautioned Congress: “There are 13 seats in Punjab and we have shortlisted 40 probable candidates for these seats.” What does it imply? How could Mann ignore the fact that Congress has been a formidable power in Punjab. In the 2019 Lok Sabha polls, the Congress had won eight of the 13 Lok Sabha seats, while the AAP had finished third with just one seat. In the intervening five years, AAP has formed the government in Punjab. But it does not imply that Congress is no more a political power to reckon with in the northern state.

The worst is the case of Nitish Kumar. Just after Modi conferring highest civilian award on Karpoori Thakur, to the utter surprise and repugnance of even his friends and well-wishers, he targeted Congress and even his Mahagathbandhan partner Lalu Yadav. He echoed the Modi’s insinuation against Gandhi family of dynastic rule. While addressing a rally on Thakur’s 100th birth day, he said Thakur, who has been given Bharat Ratna, never promoted his family. Nitish’s attack on dynastic politics was also aimed at Lalu Yadav. His son Tejashvi is the deputy chief minister. His other family members also are members of assembly and legislative council.

Nitish Kumar, who is part of the INDIA bloc, thanked the Centre and Modi for announcing the highest civilian award for Thakur. He even accused the Congress for not according this honour to Thakur during its reign. Obviously, Nitish’s observation would do more harm to INDIA. His party colleagues are in a state of shock at his attitudinal change and see his utterances as a precursor to joining hands with Modi.

But at the same time they affirm that 2024 is not the 2017, when he left the alliance and joined NDA. Already apprehensions are making rounds in the political circle that some senior JD(U) leaders may part company with Nitish and switch over to the RJD. They nurse the feeling that Modi’s designs are not going to help Nitish in Bihar. The ground reality prevailing in the state is different from other states. Nevertheless, they strongly feel that Nitish’s possible volte-face could inflict serious electoral injury to the opposition alliance. (IPA Service)

The post Regional Satraps Impairing Electoral Prospects Of INDIA Bloc first appeared on Latest India news, analysis and reports on IPA Newspack.

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By Arun Srivastava

The richest, most crony capitalism-friendly prime minister of India Narendra Modi bestowing Bharat Ratna, although officially being awarded by the President, Draupadi Murmu, on the deprived socialist leader Karpoori Thakur has given rise to boisterous political chattering in Bihar. However, it has also put the political moves of Chief Minister Nitish Kumar under intense public scrutiny.

If Modi had really desired to honour a leader who tirelessly fought to empower the poor, especially the extremely backward castes, he would have done it just after coming to power. But he chose to identify with persons who somehow proved to be catalysts in promoting his own political interest. No denying that Karpoori Thakur deserved this honour well before C. N. R. Rao (chemist and professor) – 2014, Sachin Ramesh Tendulkar (cricketer) – 2014 and Pranab Mukherjee (politician and former President of India) 2019 were accorded.

Modi government has conferred Bharat Ratna on the socialist icon Karpoori Thakur, who implemented OBC quota in Bihar. Thakur’s quota policy, implemented in 1978, included a sub-quota for MBCs, quotas for women and economically weaker sections in 1978. While Modi honouring Thakur has come too late and is too little, the prime minister ought to realise that Karpoori has a much taller status and he did not require this award for boosting his image.

Thakur’s stint as CM is remembered for his two important decisions. First, in 1970, he enforced the total prohibition of alcohol in the state; and second, he implemented the recommendations of the Mungeri Lal Commission on quota for backward classes. This panel was a harbinger of the Mandal Commission. The Commission also suggested separate sub-category called Most Backward Classes. This category also provided the template for the “ati pichhda” plank built by Nitish Kumar years later.

Modi observed: “I am delighted that the Government of India has decided to confer the Bharat Ratna on the beacon of social justice, the great Jan Nayak Karpoori Thakur Ji and that too at a time when we are marking his birth centenary. This prestigious recognition is a testament to his enduring efforts as a champion for the marginalized and a stalwart of equality and empowerment.” However, it cannot be denied that this delayed adulation is more politically motivated than a real sign of appreciation or acknowledgement on the government’s behalf.

Ironically, in his endeavour to identify himself with Thakur’s socialist credentials, Modi remarked: “Jan Nayak Karpoori Thakur’s relentless pursuit of social justice created a positive impact in the lives of crores of people. He belonged to one of the most backward sections of society, the Nai Samaj. Overcoming numerous obstacles, he achieved a lot and worked for societal betterment.” But a closer look at the complement would make it explicit that Modi has not been honest in his observation. Instead of underlining the fact that he empowered the extremely poor and women, Modi tried to generalise his achievement.

The fact is Karpoori fiercely fought against the forces nursing rightist ideology propagated by the RSS and upper-caste landlords, who perpetrated worst kind of torture and repression on the poor, downtrodden, untouchables and proletariats. Karpoori Thakur became the chief minister of Bihar twice, but on both the occasions, RSS leaders manoeuvred to pull down his government.

Following the announcement, politicians across party lines hailed the decision to give the socialist leader India’s highest civilian honour. Nitish Kumar also greeted. But before expressing delight, they should have done some introspection and sought a reply why Modi announced this award at this crucial juncture, when the Lok Sabha election is just three months away. There is no denying that Modi was trying to play around with the emotions of EBC and poor people.

Politically, Nitish and Lau Yadav would have to appreciate Modi’s move. But they are the ultimate victims of this action of Modi. Their eulogy of Modi will simply confuse the people of state. Modi’s decision will invariably unsettle the INDIA parties, which raised issue of a caste census in recent months. The Mahagathbandhan even went upto increasing the reservation percentage. For Modi, this is a strategy to diffuse the tumult of a Nitish’s masterstroke to put Modi on a losing wicket.

Undeniably, Modi’s decision to honour Karpoori Thakur is a power move to weaken the electoral consolidation of OBCs and MBCs [most backward classes] in Bihar in a situation where the RJD and the JD(U) contest the Lok Sabha polls together. Modi’s move would have adverse impact on Nitish’s strategy to create a ‘Maha Dalit’ class in Bihar. This he had resorted to prepare his own support base. With RJD having a strong Yadav-Muslim support base, Nitish desperately needed to have a base on which he could fall back. Now Modi’s latest move primarily targets Nitish’s core base. It is quite significant that Modi took this step only after Nitish declared the findings of its caste survey, which pegged the state’s total backward class population to be around 63%, with OBC comprising 27% of the total and MBCs about 36%.

With RSS taking command to rally the Dalit and EBC behind the BJP, Modi can feel assured that he would gain from his move. With a weak state leadership, the central BJP leadership, especially Modi and Amit Shah, have chosen to directly reach out to this huge electorate base by conferring this award on Karpoori Thakur. This is the part of their design to expand in Bihar and other Hindi-speaking states, particularly UP and MP for consolidating OBC and EBC population.

In the recently-held assembly elections to Chhattisgarh, MP and Rajasthan, the Dalits and EBCs had sent clear signal of their shifting allegiance. Taking a cue from that change, Modi has intensified his efforts to win over these people. Incidentally at his Ram Janmabhoomi speech, Modi referenced to Sabari and Nishad Raj to identify with Adivasi and OBC communities.

The political circle, especially some INDIA leaders nurse the view that it was at the behest of Nitish that Modi honoured Thakur. Per sources, the decision was taken after Nitish’s meeting with the Governor Rajendra Arlekar, which lasted for nearly an hour. In fact, his meeting the Governor has given rise to political speculations. It was during his meet at Raj Bhawan, that Nitish talked to Modi and after that the award was announced.

Apparently this does not sound politically correct. Nitish could have talked to Modi from anywhere. However sources say that Arlekar, an old friend of Nitish, had taken the initiative. Irrespective of the honesty and openness of the news, it has caused immense damage to the personal image of Nitish. Not only the political circles even in the social and academic circles are quite angry with Nitish. They have their valid argument, if Nitish is not inclined to cross over to NDA, he must categorically deny it, instead of allowing himself to be used by BJP, giving opportunity to mainstream media to malign him.

What has further complicated the political situation and questioned Nitish’s credibility is his refusal to join Rahul’s Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra on its entering Bihar. He may rightly feel hurt and aggrieved at being denied a proper position in the INDIA bloc, but his boycott of Yatra will simply add to the strength of RSS and BJP design. Even a section of the senior JD(U) leaders are feeling upset at this hide and seek game of Nitish. The INDIA bloc leaders feel that his ambivalent approach on this highly sensitive issue has been hurting the opposition the most. These leaders also point out that Nitish must not nurse the inflated ego that he commanded the support of the EBC and Dalits. He must feel the pulse of the people of these communities. They have been gradually shifting their allegiance to the RSS. (IPA Service)

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By Arun Srivastava

Consecration of Ram temple on January 22 in Ayodhya has thrown open multiple questions in the public domain. Question such as who has the patent right for Ram, is it the RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat or Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and whether it’s the only one person and none else, RSS’s mandir-man Modi has the right to enter into the mandirs across the country. Also, why, the most important issue, persons like L K Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi, who had launched and spearheaded the movement for demolition of Babri Masjid and construction of Ram Mandir in the 1980s and 90s, were not allowed access to the celebration, and whether RSS is on a mission to redefine the religious importance and relevance of Ram through Modi.

These questions look for an explanation from Bhagwat since he is the key person who choreographed the celebration, with Modi at the front. Bhagwat also has to answer whether January 22’s celebration was meant to send a message to the Muslims, Sikhs, Christians and all other communities that they have no place in the New India of his dream. Being the pandit of Hindu religion, he must be aware that Ramayan has been scripted in many of the languages and gets mentioned in religions of India. Even Muslims have Ramayan and the epic of Malaysia is famous across the world. Then what made them to keep the gurus, saints and priests of these religions away from the celebration? RSS certainly has its readymade explanation to this query: that it was not a government event obviously; the Ram Janma Bhoomi trust did not invite these people. But it’s not the truth.

RSS wanted to send the message that India is the exclusive domain of Hindus and other religions are irrelevant. Even if one subscribes to the clarification that the celebration was not a government-sponsored event, in that case the Trust must not have allowed Modi to perform the task of the Jajman/priest. Like other participants, he could have watched the celebration from outside the sanctum sanctorum. The consecration should have been done by someone else, preferably by someone who launched the movement. And in that spectre, the ultimate choice should have been Advani. He launched the rath yatra without bothering for large-scale communal riots, in which thousands of Muslims were killed across the country. Bad luck for Advani though; he was sent the invitation letter, however, was directed not to venture into Ayodhya!

Bhagwat might have moved one firm step towards changing the constitutional character of India, but the consecration event revealed the highest form of sycophancy. Some so-called Hindu saints forgetting their religious lineage and sense, sang eulogies for Modi. Acharya Govind Dev Giri from Maharashtra described Modi as Shivaji reborn, saying, “God has sent him (Shivaji) to us again. A Shrimant Yogi is standing before us…. He has purified himself to attend the sacredness of a sadhu.”

In Hindu mythology; Ram is omnipresent, he is the creator of the universe. This has been broadly spelt out in Mahabharata when Lord Krishna opens his mouth and shows that the entire world was in his mouth. But see the audacity of Modi and Bhagwat. Both of them did not hesitate in saying that Ram Lalla has finally got a place to live. This only underlines that power has gone into their minds. Ram had not fled Ayodhya. Instead he had gone on exile to fulfill his father’s wishes, and eventually on a mission to fight the demons that abducted Sita. It was indeed shocking to listen: “Ram Lalla has come to Ayodhya, but why did he leave Ayodhya? According to the Ramayan, he left Ayodhya because there was discord in Ayodhya. Ayodhya has to be without tension, discord or confusion. He (Ram) went into vanavas for 14 years. He returned to Ayodhya after resolving discord across the world. Ram Lalla has come back again after 500 years.”

It is beyond imagination to what extent these people can go on to distort the Hindu epics and mythology. After the consecration, Bhagwat remembered to preach his lesson in morality. He advised: “We have to behave accordingly. We have to discard all the discords…. We have to discard our small differences…. Everybody is ours and this is why we are able to move forward. We have to behave in a coordinated manner with each other, which is the first truth of religion. Compassion is the second necessity, which includes service (seva) and charity (paropkar).” It was soothing to the ears.

But unfortunately while Bhagwat was acting as the priest at the celebration, something was happening in far Assam, which definitely furrowed his sermon to “stay in one’s senses amid all this excitement”. Rahul Gandhi, who was leading Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra, was not allowed to visit the Sri Sri Sankar Dev Satra in Nagaon district of Assam. Surprisingly, it coincided with the inauguration of the temple in Ayodhya. Only a day ahead, Gandhi was granted the permission. But once he reached there he was denied the entry. The reason cited was really ridiculous and flimsy. The district officials told him that some ritual was going on inside the temple and allowing him could create law and order problem. The most shocking explanation from the police and district administration was: “Everyone can go to the birthplace of Vaishnav saint Srimanta Sankardeva, only ‘Rahul Gandhi cannot go.’”

He could go inside after 3 in the afternoon, by the time the consecration in Ayodhya would be over. Was Modi afraid that allowing Rahul entry into the Sankardeva’s temple would take away the shine from him and make the camera crews to turn its focus on Rahul? Or was it a design to send the message that none else, except the RSS’s Mandir-Man Modi has the exclusive right to visit any temple at any point of time. Or was it meant to convey the message that Modi was the only Hindu who has got the inherent right to visit any Mandir and Rahul was not entitled of this privilege.

Rahul, as natural corollary of the incident, sat on dharna on the main road while party MP Gaurav Gogoi and Batadrava MLA Sibamoni Bora proceeded to the birthplace to see the situation prevailing there. The government officials like their political masters had lied. In fact, the priests at the temple were waiting for Rahul. But this move of Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma misfired. People were quite angry with him for his nasty action. Sarma had earlier announced that all government educational institutes would be closed in the State on the occasion of consecration ceremony. To his bad luck, the common people and students used the holiday to squat on the roads against this design of Sarma and Modi.

Gogoi said: ”A lie and rumour was spread that a law and order situation could have risen if Gandhi had visited the place. The chief minister has stamped a black spot in the history of Batadrava and the legacy of Sri Sankardeva”. AICC general secretary Jairam Ramesh levelled allegation against Modi of exerting pressure on Sarma to prevent Gandhi from visiting the birthplace of Srimant Sankardeva.

One thing is absolutely clear that Modi may be anything else, but he is certainly not an astute politician. His hunger for power is so acute that he can do any thing to get it. The manner in which Sarma treated Rahul, the later has overnight become the darling of the local people. His all machinations to prevent the people, especially women, from having a glimpse of Rahul’s yatra have failed. The women preferred to rush to see him, instead of continuing in queue to collect some financial dole.

While there is no ambiguity that Modi has been on a strong footing and enjoying the overwhelming support of the “80 per cent” Hindus of the country, he must not have stooped so low and resorted such actions. There was no need for him to move around entire southern India, visit the temples and prostrate before the deities and gods. He has undertaken the task since he is not entirely sure of Hindu support. It is in this backdrop he intends to arouse the Hindu sensibility for his electoral success through these machinations.

It is a known fact that Modi is a self-publicist. After the consecration in the style of self- eulogy, Modi counted the pain he underwent through the last eleven days for performing the task of Jajman. He said: “During my 11 days of fast and rituals, I tried to visit places where Ram had stopped. It is my good fortune that, with this purity in mind, I got the opportunity to travel from the sea to the Sarayu.” Modi did not mention Chitrakoot, where Ram had spent most of his time in the forest.

He did not hide his intentions of using Ram to win the Lok Sabha election. He had won 2014 Lok Sabha election by making false promises and deprecating Congress, then he used ultra-nationalism and the mysterious genocide of soldiers to win 2019 election, and this time he would use religious nationalism with the blessing of RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat to win LS election.

Under attack for destroying democracy and subverting Constitution, Modi used the forum for consecration to speak politics and motivate the people to vote for him. He referred to the Constitution in the Ayodhya context with the pure aim as attestation of faith. “In India’s Constitution, in its first copy, Lord Ram is present. Even after the advent of the Constitution, legal battles over the existence of Lord Shri Ram continued for decades,” Modi said. “I express my gratitude to the judiciary of India, which upheld the dignity of justice. The temple of Lord Ram, synonymous with justice, was also built in a judicial manner.”

Through consecration he managed to send a clear and loud message that he was supreme and was even above Ram. Its testimony is in his saying that he has provided a new home to Ram. Ayodhya has always been on the chessboard of the BJP. But Modi has managed to get the opportunity to encash the cheque. He is a ruthless chess master is evident from the manner he ignored the political astuteness and pain that Advani took to make him prime minister. If Advani had not brought out the “Ram-Rath”, Modi would not have dreamt of becoming the prime minister and RSS seeing its ambitious plan taking shape.

While addressing the VIP gathering at the shrine, Modi asked his critics to “introspect” and change their thinking. He made a tactical shift from “Jai Sri Ram” to “Jai Siya Ram”. It simply underscored that he wants to entice the huge population of Hindus who do not endorse RSS line of “Jai Sri Ram” as without their support he cannot imagine to win. (IPA Service)

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The article RSS And Modi Have Now Encashed Their Last Trump Card, Ram Temple appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

It is a historical attainment for RSS. On January 22, it succeeded in striding one stable step towards altering the character and identity of India, from being a secular, socialist country to a theological Hindu Rashtra.

This is for the first time in the history of independent India when the prime minister not only mixed politics with religion instead he blatantly gave credence to religion above the politics. This was also for the first time that a prime minister spent not less a month visiting various temples and maths and offering pujas to the gods and deities. Modi did not find time to take care of the needs of the poor people of the country, but he went around praying to the gods to ensure his electoral victory.

Though RSS has made clear its intentions of turning India into a Hindu Rashtra long back and its all political actions were conceived and executed keeping that strategy in view, the month-long tour of Narendra Modi of south India simply underscores that he commenced the mission to arouse the Hindu sentiment and polarise the Hindus to help RSS in its mission. Hindus and Hinduism have historically been an extremely tolerant and all-inclusive entity in south India. Even if someone believes in many gods, Hinduism will accept him. The religious parameter of Hinduism was so wide and inclusive that all kind of people used to find a place in it. It never propounded sectarian approach and attitude as is being seen in the case of RSS and BJP.

The Hindutva historians belonging to the ‘WhatsApp University’, while have been methodically battering Muslim rulers for exploiting and converting Hindus to Islam, have so far not tried to find out the reasons for reluctance of south Indian Hindus in subscribing to the Hindutva philosophy of RSS. Due to this inclusiveness of Hinduism, Muslims have made less of an impact in South India, so there has been comparatively less political controversy in the region.

After Modi becoming the prime minister, RSS deployed its frontal organisations in all the southern states to foment communal tension and spread acute hatred between the two communities, but its machinations miserably failed. It failed to put one community against other. It is a fact that South Indians do not even believe in a lot of the religious aspects of Hinduism. These are simply a set of cultural norms.

RSS or for that matter Narendra Modi are not going to slacken their activities. As RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat put it, after consecration of Ram temple and “entry” of Ram Lalla in his house in Ayodhya the RSS will launch its most ambitious and variegated programme; beginning of the campaign for “reconstruction of Bharatvarsh” which is for harmony, unity, progress, peace and well-being of everyone.

RSS is out to use this occasion to completely communalise the Hindu community. Though this is a private celebration, a carnival organised by the Ram Janmabhumi Trust, the Modi government, obviously at the instructions of the RSS, has been projecting it as a national event. The state governments have been pressured to declare holiday so that Modi’s bhakts could watch him performing the inauguration. Certainly, the consecration event could not be an auspicious Hindu religious occasion. This move of RSS clearly implies that it is rewriting the Hindu religion, which suits its agenda of political Hindutva.

In an article posted on the RSS website, Bhagwat referred to the “continuous struggle of the Hindu society” for the construction of the temple in Ayodhya and said the “conflict and bitterness” over the dispute should now come to an end. He also said: “Now, the conflict that has arisen, as for and against the dispute, should be ended. The bitterness that has arisen in the meantime should also end. The enlightened people of society must see that the dispute ends completely. Ayodhya means a city where there is no war, a place free from conflict.”

In the transformed backdrop, the primary task for the RSS is to replace the word India with Bharat. Though this intent was made known nearly two months back by Modi himself, the RSS waited for the right time and opportunity. As Bhagwat said, “consecration of the Ram temple is the beginning of the campaign for reconstruction of Bharatvarsh”, the RSS would use this agenda to mobilise the Hindus in favour of rechristening India as Bharat. Already RSS and BJP have been organising mohalla rallies with the participants emphasising on the word Bharat.

Bhagwat has already made clear: “In the devotional celebration of January 22, along with the reconstruction of the temple, all of us have resolved for the reconstruction of Bharat and, through it, pave the way for reconstruction of the entire world.” To justify its action the RSS has been equating the inauguration event with August 15, 1947, the day became Independent. If the sources are to be relied, the RSS is getting ready to formally announce the change of name from India to Bharat, on the day the BJP forms its government for the three consecutive term after the Lok Sabha election. On that day Bharat will celebrate its day of liberation from colonial rule.

Consecration will witness beginning of a long stretch of religious programmes organised by the UP state unit of the RSS and BJP. The task has been entrusted to the UP units as it rejuvenates and motivate the lower rank cadres and prepare them for the Lok Sabha elections. One development which needs mention is the effort of Modi to popularise Ram in south India and him acceptable in the region. Though the people from south India are not against Ram, they prefer to worship their local deities and gods. The reason for Modi taking this pain while has its focus on Lok Sabha election, it aims more on making the south Indian people accept the RSS move to turn India a Hindu Rashtra, as it would be projecting Ram to give shape to its design.

Interestingly his primary focus has been on the temples in Tamil Nadu and Kerala. These two states have refused to toe the political line of Hindutva of RSS and voted for left and secular parties. His visit to the Tamil Nadu temples with a Ramayana connect came just ahead of the consecration of Ram temple.

Ironically, while BJP under the command of RSS has marching ahead with its plan to win the election, the constituents of INDIA bloc are busy fighting amongst themselves. It is not that they are unaware of the importance of the election for RSS and also for their own. If a defeat will ensure a horizontal split in the BJP, the RSS will be faced with existential crisis. This election is more important for RSS than the BJP. In case BJP fails to win the election the entire effort put in by the RSS leaders during the last hundred years would go waste. Its dream to turn India into a Hindu Rashtra could never be achieved.

Nevertheless, the manner in which the INDIA leaders are behaving it simply reinforces the belief that they are not at all concerned of the possible threat from the RSS and BJP. The condition of INDIA bloc is worst in Bengal, Bihar and UP. The satraps of these states are completely detached from the ground realities. (IPA Service)

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The article RSS’s Ram On Ayodhya Mission To Ensure Electoral Win For Modi’s BJP appeared first on Arabian Post.

By Arun Srivastava

The January 22 event, that of the supposed ‘consecration’ of Ram Temple, will not only have a major impact on the identity of Bharat or India, it will also vertically divide the Hindu community and Hinduism. The worst sufferer of this temple sanctification will be the Sanatan Hindu Dharma.

Mughal invasions and even incursions of the Britishers failed to impair Hinduism and did not manage to obliterate the Hindu society. But this single event has posed a serious existential threat to Hindus and Hinduism. What is quite shocking is the Sanatan Dharma is facing threat from RSS, which claims to uphold those very traditions of Sanatan Dharma and champions the political line of supremacy of religion over politics. RSS is using Prime Minister Narendra Modi to accomplish its mission to subvert and smash the ethos of a polyphonic Hinduism, turning it into a quasi-monotheistic, North Indianised Ram-worshipping faith that’s alien to most Hindus, practicing or otherwise. Modi would certainly to be remembered as the leader who changed the destiny of India, irrespective of the fact whether it was good or bad. His authoritative stance and public disrespecting of his seniors are the signs of this psyche.

The manner in which Modi has been roaming around in South India and prostrating before every deity and god symbolises his shakiness as well pretention of his being a devout Hindu. He wants to be reminisced as the longest serving premier, which is why he is desperately trying to use the event of inauguration to titillate the Hindu sensitivity to refurbish his sagging image for winning the election. To achieve his objective, that of a coveted third term at the Centre, he would certainly not deter from wrecking the Hindu religion and split the Hindu society.

In his quest to brand himself as the creator of New India, he has not cared to undo two major wrongs: firstly, not to postpone the consecration till the temple construction is complete; and second, not to install the original statue of Ram, the Ram Lalla Virajman. For years, the RSS has been claiming that the Babri Masjid of Ayodhya, stood on the very spot where Ram was born. In December 1949, with the connivance of local officials, Hindutva groups smuggled in an effigy of Ram to bolster the claim. In December 1992, the RSS and BJP cadres razed the mosque, the idol was put under a tent. Incidentally on December 20 last year, Modi while describing Ayodhya’s infrastructural development as ‘Pragrati Ka Utsav’, had said there was a time when Lord Ram was ‘virajman’ under a tent shade and now, not only Ram Lalla, but also 4 crore needy people have got a permanent pucca house.

He had said: “Be it any country in the world, if a country wants to touch developmental heights, it is very important for it to preserve its heritage. And our heritage inspires us, shows us right path and it is for the same reason today’s India is a blend of old and new India and is moving along”. Even during the time deadly coronavirus was at its peak, UP Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath attended a ceremony to shift the Ram Lalla from the makeshift tent temple to a temporary pre-fabricated temple on the Ram Janmabhoomi premises on the first day of the nine-day Chaitra Navratri festival which also marks the Sanatan Nav Varsh (new year).

Surprisingly, instead of installing the old statue of Ram Lalla, a new statue has been built and on January 22 the new one will be consecrated. Of course, everything should be NEW in NEW INDIA. Obviously, the old Sanatan Dharam and its tenets and preachings should be replaced by NEW tenets and preachings. His exuberance to project himself as the creator of New India and the supreme Hindu leader has been so acute that he is not at all willing to listen to the advice of the most revered Hindu Dharma Gurus, the Shankaracharyas.

What is most shocking is the four tallest saint of Sanatan Hindu Dharma are being insulted and trolled by the BJP cadres and leaders. This has been going on for a week. But ironically, so far no RSS leader, not even its chief Mohan Bhagwat, forget the BJP leaders, who claim to be stern believers of Sanatan Dharma and Manu Smriti, have dared to pullup these leaders or silence them. What does it imply? Their passive silence obviously intends to send the message across the Hindu society that these Shankaracharyas are worthless guys and have no place in Hindu religion. Only a week back, a Lucknow-based senior journalist wrote a piece on a social site that one of the Shankarachryas was Congress party member and had also contested student union elections as a Congress candidate.

It is not that they have been resorting to these nefarious activities only to demean the Shankaracharyas. A deeper look will make it clear that it is a part of the nasty conspiracy to alter the character of India and Hindu religion.

Modi acting as jajmanand performing the consecration and not installing the old idol of Ram is a part of this design. It is a known fact that the RSS cannot think of building its Hindu Rashtra on the foundation of old Sanatan Dharma, which has been the foundation of Hinduism. A look at the political trajectory of Modi will underline that from his days of being inconsequential local BJP leader in his native Gujarat to becoming the prime minister, Modi has always exploited and ruthlessly used Hindu religion and Ayodhya for his ascent. He had realised that his mentor L K Advani leading the campaign for demolition of Babri Masjid was the only way to become a favourite of the Hindu masses. It is worth recalling that his political guru Advani had already started decrying secular leaders and forces as “sickular”. Modi picked up the thread from him and for emerging as the genuine Hindu leader started treating Muslims as second-class citizens.

Why the RSS and BJP desire to replace the old Sanatan Hindu Dharma tenets with their concept of new Hindu Dharma has a political dimension. Modi came to power on a dangerous lie. The RSS had floated the theory that secular forces, especially the Congress have been rendering India unsafe and that Hinduism was under threat. Indians, especially the middle class, never sought to question them. Hindus survived Mughal Raj and British Raj. How they were feeling threatened in Independent India? Incidentally, it has been historically proved that upper caste Hindu Rajas and Maharajas had surrendered before Mughals and Britishers.

RSS and Modi have been trying to radicalise the Muslims in order to fulfill their mission. Polarising Hindus would lead to Muslims being alienated. RSS chief Bhagwat must realise that he has been doing the greatest disservice to the country and its people. Indians or Bharatiyas will lose their national identity if the religion-based hatred continues to intensify and spread across India. For Modi, inauguration of Ram Temple may represent more than just the honouring of a decades-long Hindu nationalist pledge but it will ultimately finish the cultural and social ethos of the Hindu society.

One aspect of Modi’s move that needs serious attention is he is combining Hindu nationalism with social welfare. Apparently, it is part of the electoral strategy, but in true sense it is a mechanism to goad Muslims. They claim that Aurangzeb had ordered demolition of the Vishwanath temple in 1669, but they maintain silence on Akbar building the Vishwanath temple and Modi destroying 146 Shivlings in Varanasi to make way for new construction.

Indeed Modi has an imaginative mind. At a rally in Solapur, held a couple of days back, Modi drew parallels between the inauguration of houses for the poor and the imminent establishment of a permanent abode for Lord Ram. He said: “Sri Ram Jyoti will serve as an inspiration to eradicate poverty from your lives”. Ram Lalla who cares for the entire humanity will be finally provided with a “residence” by Modi on January 22. “On January 22, the long-awaited historic moment arrives as Lord Ram takes his seat in the grand temple, putting an end to decades of darshan in a humble tent”, he said. This is the highest order of travesty. It simply underscores arrogance of Modi and nothing else. (IPA Service)

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By Arun Srivastava

More than the leadership of the Congress and Samajwadi Party, it is the media, which is relatively inquisitive and worried about the two parties still not resolving the contentious issue of seat sharing in Uttar Pradesh. While the leaders of two parties express their gratification at the pace and dimension of the political development, the media does not see any rationale and the shade of serenity in their claim.

Media’s intrusiveness is a part of greater design of the RSS and BJP to create confusion about the political ineptness of the Congress and Samajwadi Party leaders and projecting them as a bunch of demoralized troops who have conceded defeat even before the actual fight. This also aims at sapping their cadres and district level leaders of confidence. Once the sense of glumness takes over the rank and file, their task is half done.

At the second formal round of seat-sharing talks held on Wednesday, Congress and SP agreed that ‘winnability’ should be the main criterion for deciding which party gets which seat. Though Congress had won only Rae Bareli Lok Sabha seat in 2019, the leaders of both the parties feel that the performance at the 2019 should not form the basic criteria for set sharing. In 2019, the situation was extraordinary and the RSS and BJP exploited the sensitive issue of nationalism to win the election.

The leaders are apprehensive of BJP and RSS turning the 2024 election into a religious battle. Obviously, the Congress and SP are consciously moving ahead for finalising the seat sharing pact. That the talks are going in the right direction is evident from the observation of SP MP Ram Gopal Yadav: “We have come halfway and will complete the entire journey soon.” The discussion that lasted for two hours was held at the residence of Congress leader Mukul Wasnik, convener of the party’s seat-sharing committee. For the Congress, Ashok Gehlot, Salman Khurshid and Mohan Prakash besides UP party chief Ajay Rai took part in the talks, while the Samajwadi Party (SP) was represented by party national general secretary Ram Gopal Yadav, Rajya Sabha member Javed Ali Khan and former legislator Udaiveer Singh.

It does not appear that the talk will face major hurdle as leaders of both the parties realise the political compulsions and intricacies of the political situation. They are keen to have an amicable settlement. They also realise that unless they work out a comprehensive seat sharing, they would not succeed in their mission to defeat the BJP in Uttar Pradesh, which is the main base of the saffron outfit.

Since the SP chief Akhilesh Yadav has been saying for long that SP would contest at least 60 seats, obviously it would not be a major issue for him to concede to the 20-seat demand of the Congress. But yet another constituent RLD has also to be accommodated and at least minimum five seats have to be given to it. However a senior SP leader said: “RLD is Samajwadi Party’s ally. It is clear that any alliance talk of RLD will be with Samajwadi Party, and not Congress.” RLD has already held talks with SP.

The Congress and SP leaders are not in a hurry to announce the final shape of the seat distribution, as they still continue to nurse the impression that BSP chief Mayawati may spring a surprise at the eleventh hour and join hands with INDIA bloc. Meanwhile, the sources maintain that some Congress leaders are in touch with her and trying to persuade her to change her stand for going alone in the polls. The Congress leaders nurse the view that Mayawati joining INDIA bloc will be the trump card for defeating the BJP.

In 2019, BJP secured 49.56% vote share, BSP 19.26%, SP 17.96% and Congress 6.31%. In 2022 assembly elections the BSP could manage 12 per cent votes. Little doubt the influence of both SP and BSP has declined substantially, political analysts feel that if Mayawati decides to join hands with INDIA, this 12 per cent would come to the INDIA kitty. Else a sizeable portion of this vote bank will switch over to the BJP. Significantly, in recent years most of the senior Dalit and Jatav leaders of BSP have joined the BJP and some of them as senior ministers in the Yogi cabinet.

The leaders of both the parties are striving to give it a final shape before Rahul Gandhi’s Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra enters the state. The leaders plan that they would announce the decision in presence of Rahul. This would broaden and strengthen the support base of the INDIA bloc. The keenness to cap the agreement is also manifest in the remarks of the leaders of both parties.

Veteran Congress leader Salman Khurshid said: “We held a good round of talks, clear sign of a rainbow… We put forward our wish list before each other and compared the details of each seat with each other and we hope that from their side we will receive more feedback before we can reach a final discussion.” Senior SP leader Ram Gopal Yadav also sounded passionate: “We have covered half the distance (of seat-sharing talks) and the remaining half will be covered soon”. Meanwhile, Akhilesh Yadav, who was on a visit to Jabalpur conveyed; “I am confident that the sharing of seats will be proper. The Samajwadi Party, Congress and our allies together will defeat the BJP in Uttar Pradesh.”

In 2019, when the SP had an alliance with the BSP and RLD, the Akhilesh Yadav-led party won five seats, the Congress just 1 and the RLD none. In 2014, the Congress, in alliance with the RLD, won just two seats and the RLD did not win any. The SP won 5 seats then. In the 2022 Assembly polls, the BJP was the clear winner with 255 of the 403 seats and 41.3% of the vote share. With its NDA allies, it won a total 273 seats and 43.3% of the vote share. The SP was the second largest party with 111 seats and 32.1% of the vote share, with the RLD winning 9 seats from 2.85% of the vote. The Congress, which contested 399 seats, won just 2 and 2.3% of the vote.

So far the SP leaders have not commented on Congress demand of 20 seats, the Congress may have to settle for 15 odd seats as the party has no electoral base in the state. But the party leadership is hopeful of a significant swing in the mood of the Muslim voters as well a section of the EBC and Dalits. Muslim Population in Uttar Pradesh is 3.85 Crore (19.26 percent) of total 19.98 Crore. Muslims are decisive factors in at least 12 districts of the state; Bahraich, Amethi, Rampur, Moradabad, Aligarh, Amroha, Balrampur, Baghpat, Bareilly, Bijnaur, Faizabad and Farrukhabad.

In significant development, the relation between Muslims and Jats in western UP has improved. Their relation has got strained in the wake of 2013 riots in the region. The farmers’ movement played magic in bringing the two communities together. Earlier, Muslims preferred SP and BSP. But now the equation has undergone change. They are disillusioned with Mayawati and have been maintaining distance from SP, as its leader Akhilesh ill-treated their leader Azam Khan. Their alienation from Congress was the primary reason for defeat of Rahul Gandhi in Amethi.

Congress has managed to catch the imagination of the EBC and Dalits by espousing the line of caste census. Moreover, the ill treatment meted to them and torture and repression they had to suffer at the hands of upper caste Rajputs and Brahmins across the state during the rule of Yogi Adityanath has turned them against BJP. Earlier, they did not have any alternative, which is why they continued to vote for the BJP. But this time they are waking up to the ground realities prevailing in the state. The change in political stance of the party under Rahul has also motivated them to come closer to Congress.

Nevertheless the RSS leadership is determined not to let the situation slip out of its hands. BJP defeat in UP will for all practical reasons be the defeat of RSS and will shatter its future plan across the country. RSS is doing every thing possible to arouse the Hindu sentiment and polarise the Hindus. RSS cannot tolerate a defeat in UP. (IPA Service)

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By Arun Srivastava

Seat Sharing is the vital component of the electoral strategy, but for leaders of INDIA bloc of Jharkhand, using the forum for espousing the cause of the adivasis and poor and fight for their identity and welfare is the primary mission. Leaving aside one or two seats, the opposition leaders have succeeded in thrashing out the complex issue of seat sharing and are now waiting for the arrival of Rahul Gandhi, with his entourage of Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra, to formally make it public

Former union minister Subodh Kant Sahay as well as Jharkhand Congress chief Rajesh Thakur candidly observed; “upcoming meeting holds significant importance. But the primary objective is addressing issues like high unemployment, corruption, and inflation affecting the people.” Even before the INDIA bloc took birth, the entire opposition has come together under state chief minister Hemant Soren to fight against the saffron exploitation of the adivasis and poor of the state. Formation of the alliance has merely been an exercise to give it a political shape.

Sahay said that alliance leaders are united and they are determined to defeat the BJP at the Lok Sabha elections. His confidence is born out of the fact that the opposition has not lost its support base. For him 2019 Lok Sabha election was an aberration. The BJP has created nationalist hype, but he is sure that this time the Ram temple would not have that intensity. Even in 2019 election JMM and Congress had managed to win seat each. The BJP-AJSU alliance had won 12 of the 14 Lok Sabha seats in the state.

It is the media which has been intentionally creating most of confusion about the seat sharing. It is rumoured that Congress has informed its national leadership that it wants to contest nine out of 14 seats. Senior opposition leaders reject this outright. They have their own argument; the state has only 14 seats. How could they say that Congress is staking claim for nine seats? What does it imply; do they mean to say that JMM, the major party, and other constituents will watch the battle sitting from the side line.

Going by the mood it is apparent that Congress would field candidates in Ranchi, Khunti, Singhbhum, Lohardaga, Dhanbad and Hazaribag. RJD will field its candidates from Chatra and Palamu. CPI(ML) general secretary Dipankar Bhattacharya speaking on the occasion of 19th Martyrdom Day event of comrade Mahendra Singh said, “If seat sharing takes place in a proper way, INDIA will defeat BJP. And they have to avoid repeating mistakes that were committed in 2019. In that election JVM was part of the gathbandhan, but after winning, its leader Babulal Marandi joined BJP.” The CPI(ML) nevertheless has staked claimed for Bagodar (Giridih). It has not only put forth its claim but has also started the campaign for the Lok Sabha election 2024 by holding a 15-day long yatra.

Dipankar said; “We have conveyed to INDIA block leaders that if they want to win the Koderma seat, they should give it to CPI(ML)”. Already Vinod Singh, son of three time MLA, martyr Mahendra Singh represents Bagodar assembly constituency, a part of Koderma Lok Sabha seat.

Bhattacharya mentioned that the responsibility of a government remains to provide employment, education and health. Railways and buses should function well, this is the work of a government, but now the BJP is mixing it with religion. Opposition closing its rank does not only owe to the need for defeating the BJP. Instead it is also inspired by the fact that it has unleashed terror in the adivasi villages, encouraged the police to perpetrate torture on them on the plea of their nursing soft corner for the alleged Naxalites and grabbing the lands of the poor adivasis. Dipankar said that the party has started a Jan Sangharsh Yatra from January 16 to 30th—the martyr day of Mahendra Singh to Mahatma Gandhi.

The INDIA bloc leaders allege that BJP has turned the Gram Sabhas defunct. Vinod said; “Mahendra Singh had formed Gram Sabhas to liberate forests, government schools, hospitals, and lands from the clutches of goons, and mafias. But the past BJP government destroyed the Gram Sabhas to help the exploiters to carry out their operations in the state.”

Once gathbandhan government came to power, the primary task before the chief minister Hemant Soren and its other leaders was to build tribal unity to fight against ‘destructive and religious fanatics’. The BJP leadership has badly split the adivasis on caste and sub-caste lines. In fact Soren had lamented “Today we are divided and disorganised, which is why the topic of tribal oppression in Manipur is not becoming the topic of the Munda people of Jharkhand”.

Like Soren, his opposition colleagues also share the belief that adivasis have to think on one line and be united as despite having differences in tradition and religion our heritage is the same and our target should also be one. Sotren said; “We need to understand that our problems are also one. I wish that mutual dialogue should start between different tribal groups.”

This approach of Soren has completely unnerved the BJP leadership. In fact Amit Shah’s frequent visit to Jharkhand could not yield the desired result. Modi and Shah had instructed the state BJP leaders to win over the Kurri and Munda communities. But they did not succeed. Having failed in their endeavour, Modi and Shah finally resorted to the tactics of using the ED and CBI against Soren and other leaders. Soren who has on repeatedly accused the Modi government of trying to topple his government using federal agencies like ED, CBI and IT, has also called upon tribals to fight united against such forces. He had even appealed to more than 13 crore tribals living in different states of India; “ time has come to be united and fight against such forces that are out to control our natural resources and demean our identity and culture.”

During the BJP rule of Raghubar Das, the big business and corporate houses have come to acquire huge tracts of Adivasi lands for setting up industries. Adani set up its power plant in Godda for supplying power to Bangladesh. It is a fact that nearly 80 per cent of people displaced because of industries, projects, dams and mines are tribals, but the no effort was made ever made to find out their whereabouts. The development projects were against the interest of the adivasis.

Soren adopting a stern attitude against the exploitative mechanism of the BJP and especially of Modi government had been the primary reason for Modi and Shah harassing him through ED, CBI and IT. Surprisingly instead of succeeding in coercing the opposition, the repressive measures of Modi and Shah have united the opposition. This time they are determined to show the BJP its right place. The stubborn attitude of Hemant and his successive refusals from responding to the ED summons seven successive times, has further emboldened the opposition. Hemant is determined to challenge the hegemony of Modi is also clear from his move to get the state government adopt a resolution that no agency could summon directly any of its officials. It has to send the request to the chief secretary. It would be evaluated and discussed at a high level meet. (IPA Service)

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By Arun Srivastava

BSP chief Mayawati continues to be an enigma. Till Monday morning, she was sending out signal to the leaders of INDIA bloc, especially to SP chief Akhilesh Yadav, that she was ready to ride the bandwagon of INDIA. But by noon she made a volte-face and shocked the opposition leaders by saying that her party would go it alone in elections.

It does not require too much of cerebral strain to decode the reason for her U-turn. A closer look at what she said on Monday unravels the truth, which made her to retract.  The reason cited by her does disservice to even her own dalit community. She was trying to hide behind the sneer of  “not proper treatment” by the opposition parties. She said: “We will not be a part of any alliance and will contest alone. This is because alliance politics doesn’t suit us. The BSP will contest alone with the support of the Dalit, tribal, backward and minority communities.” She added: “According to our analysis, while we have transferred our traditional votes to the candidates of our allies in previous elections, they didn’t reciprocate.”

Quite intriguing she could realise the vulnerability of alliance only by the afternoon, after getting a call from a senior BJP minister in the Modi cabinet. The minister, sources maintain, cautioned her against once again dragging her in the NOIDA scam. In the scam, the name of her brother had also allegedly figured. The ED action was in connection with a money-laundering case registered in 2016. BSP chief was also under scrutiny with the agency conducting searches at seven premises of senior officials with regard to building of memorials to Dalit icons and illegal sand-mining.

ED claims that the irregularities in procuring building material led to loss of over Rs 111 crore to the exchequer. Ambedkar Smarak Parivartan Sthal, Manyavar Smarak Sthal, Gautambuddha Upvan, Eco Park, Noida Ambedkar Park and Ramabai Ambedkar Smriti Upvan constructed during the BSP regime are under the scanner. The memorials were intended as a mark of respect to Dalit icons.

The report also stated that Rs 1,410 crore was siphoned off by officials out of Rs 4,148 crore sanctioned by the then state government for the construction of the memorials. The construction was done by UPRNN — a unit of the PWD and Lucknow Development Authority. The engineers were also questioned about purchases that were made directly from suppliers without following the laid-down procedure of tendering. Mining leases were awarded to individuals in violation of norms.

She claims to be a Dalit leader, but not through her own efforts. Dalit icon Kanshi Ram put that crown on her head and projected her as the undisputed Dalit leader. She did not have to go through the arduous process of attaining leadership role through hard ground work. It is quite significant till Kanshi Ram was alive, she did not have to face much challenge. But she could not sustain when she was left to fend for herself.

It was during this phase she also got alienated from her support base and Dalits started gradually moving away from her. Mayawati, who had a 22 per cent vote share in 2017, is now left with 12 per cent vote share in 2022, mainly from Jatavs; her worst performance since 2017, when she won 19 seats. In 2019, she won 10 Lok Sabha seats in alliance with the SP.

Resentment against Mayawati amongst the Dalits has spread. For over two decades, the community had given unflinching support to Mayawati, but not anymore. A Dalit leader said: “There was a time when we didn’t even welcome leaders of other parties in our colonies, but unemployment, back-breaking price rise, and a threat to the reservation system in current times have forced us to listen to what other leaders have to say”.

For Mayawati, material gains and enjoying political power attained top priorities. With the Dalits now maintaining distance from BSP, she embarked on the path of enticing the Brahmins. It is an open secret that Dalits even today continue to suffer humiliation and repression at the hands of the upper caste Rajputs and Brahmins. Instead of reaching out to them at the grass root level and empowering them, she was weaving a caste combination to win the elections.

It is an open secret that during the BJP rule of Yogi Adityanath, the Dalits have had to suffer a lot. Crimes against Dalit women have substantially increased. But Mayawati has been maintaining deafening silence. Dalits complain: “Behenji (Mayawati) has forgotten her loyal supporters. There is no house here where she has not had food. But now, it seems she has deserted us. Neither she nor her leaders come to visit us.”  Dalit leaders like, former IG SR Darapuri and Bhim Sena chief Azad had to suffer, but she did not raise her voice against it.

The Dalit youths are denied jobs and other facilities. Dalit leaders complain that government jobs for their community have significantly decreased. They say: “Earlier, the reservation system allowed many from our community to secure Group C and D jobs in the state government. Most of those jobs are now outsourced to private entities by the state government. We believe that such outsourcing is an indirect way to end the reservation system.” But Mayawati has refused to react.

Mayawati’s BSP has to face the accusation of being the B team of BJP. On Many occasions she refuted but could not come out with convincing facts to assert her denial. Her softness towards the BJP is an open secret. Only last year in two by-elections, she did not field her candidate in Rampur to avoid splitting the Dalit vote, making it a straight face-off between the BJP and the SP. In Azamgarh, she fielded a Muslim candidate, Guddu Jamali, purely aimed at splitting the SP’s Muslim vote, and benefitting BJP candidate Dinesh Lal Yadav ‘Nirahua’ of the OBC Yadav community.

Mayawati continues to claim she’s a Dalit leader. But ironically she is not aware of the changing dynamics of the economic hardships facing the community and also gauge the political mood and understanding of Dalits. Moreover, like other OBC communities, a neo-rich class, a creamy layer has emerged within the Dalits. They are no more approving of the traditional form of Dalit politics. They have shifted their allegiance to the BJP. This is clearly manifest in a number of prominent Dalit leaders who were once with Mayawati, joining the BJP. Some of them are even ministers. Their joining BJP has simply added to the woes of Mayawati.

While announcing her decision not to join INDIA bloc, she made scathing attack on the opposition leaders. Mayawati appears to be supporting the BJP at the cost of her own political base. Although she accused the BJP governments of cheating the poor. “While the BJP government is expected to create job opportunities for youths, it is making poor people a slave of free foodgrains,” she maintained a low pitch in her criticism.

Mayawati has also been invited to the Ram temple consecration ceremony in Ayodhya on January 22, though she is yet to decide whether to attend the event. “I thank them for sending me the invitation. I may go there if I am free but I have not decided yet because I am busy with party work,” the sources maintain that she may amend her decision and prefer to attend the consecration. She told the newspersons: “We are not opposing the Ayodhya programme, we welcome it. We will also welcome any move to construct a Babri masjid there”.

In the backdrop of her U-turn, it is imminent that her immediate aim is to weaken the INDIA bloc, especially SP. She is also trying to make the Dalits believe that Dalit-Muslim unity is reality, that Muslims are drifting away from the SP notwithstanding her action to suspend party MP Danish Ali for extending support to TMC MP Mahua Moitra. Once again, she has failed to read the minds of the Muslims. They are yet to forget the ill-treatment meted by her to Danish. It was perceived as an action to please Modi. Significantly, on Sunday, Danish Ali joined Rahul’s Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra, saying he would be failing in his duty as a politician if he did not participate in the “biggest drive for unity and justice”. He has been actively joining opposition ranks in attacking the BJP

Dalits strongly feel that Mayawati lacks the determination to fight central agencies and the BJP juggernaut. She has already promoted her family members to crucial posts in the BSP as part of her succession plan. They also nurse the view that BSP has discarded the ideological line of Kanshi Ram and the leadership is more interested in its personal promotion.

Mayawati is aware that BSP’s shrinking base has actually helped the BJP. The other Dalit groups who benefited from Modi welfarism deserted the BSP in the absence of Mayawati’s lack of vocal commitment on Dalit issues and the BJP-RSS’s aggressive approach to woo them. Many of the big Dalit leaders, such as Lalji Verma, Ram Achal Rajbhar and Indrajit Saroj, deserted the BSP to join SP. But unfortunately, she is not even trying to bring back the old glory.

Rural Uttar Pradesh continues to witness sharp class conflict between the Dalits and intermediate castes, Yadavs, Jats and others, as the Dalits are being financially deprived, but Mayawati maintains silence. Dalits never voted for parties led by agrarian castes like Yadavs or Jats. Initially, Dalits voted for the Congress, and then switched to the BSP, while agrarian castes consolidated behind leaders like Mulayam Singh Yadav and Charan Singh.

A close look at the election results reveals that majority of seats that the BSP wins in the Hindi speaking states are of general category and not reserved seats for Schedules Castes. In 2008, the BSP forfeited its deposit in Madhya Pradesh in 194 seats out of 228 seats it chose to contest. The figure of candidates who lost their deposits went up to 194 out of 227 seats it contested in 2013. Ahead of the 2024 Lok Sabha election, all major political players are eying the BSP’s Dalit vote bank. They are trying to win the trust of 22 per cent Dalit population, which plays an instrumental role in the politically significant UP. (IPA Service)

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