By K Raveendran
The Election Commission has forfeited all claims to be the national guardian of constitutional democracy by soft pedalling on the complaints against alleged hate speech by prime minister Narendra Modi in what the whole country was watching as a litmus test for the independence and integrity of the poll body.
As was widely feared in political circles, the commission has miserably failed the test by tiptoeing around the issue and sending a faceless notice to Modi’s party, sparing the PM himself of any blame. To create a semblance of independence, the commission has sent a similar notice to the Congress party as follow-up action on BJP’s complaints against some of Rahul Gandhi’s speeches as well. In doing so, however, the commission has degraded itself to Modi’s Election Commission from its hallowed role as the Election Commission of India.
There have been several instances in the past of the commission sucking up to the powers that be after the government progressively tightened its grip on the constitutional body, including the appointment of chief election commissioner and other commissioners. The government steamrolled all protests that the new law on the appointment would lead to the ruling party’s ‘yes men’ occupying the crucial posts and put in place a mechanism that placed complete control of the commission in the hands of the government. The commission’s decision in the latest case involving the PM shows how true these fears were.
Modi’s remarks at an election rally in Rajasthan had ignited a fierce debate on hate speech, constitutional norms, and the delicate balance between political power and institutional autonomy. Modi’s reference to Muslims as ‘infiltrators’ sparked outrage and accusations of religious polarization, reverberating across the political landscape. He asserted that the Congress party, during its tenure, had declared that Muslims held the ‘first right’ over the country’s resources.
The prime minister was undeterred by the criticism and in fact, repeated his charge with greater force in subsequent rallies. Furthermore, he warned that if the Congress returned to power, it would redistribute wealth among those with more children, euphemistically referring to Muslims. The crowd applauded, but critics saw this as a dangerous dog whistle, playing on communal sentiments and perpetuating stereotypes. Obviously, Modi and his party know that he has nothing to fear from the election commission.
Modi’s controversial remarks are not isolated incidents. They reflect a broader trend—the progressive erosion of constitutional entities’ autonomy. Since the BJP assumed power a decade ago, India’s tradition of diversity and secularism has come under attack. Critics argue that religious intolerance has surged, and institutions designed to be bulwarks against majoritarianism have faced unprecedented challenges. The ECI, once revered for its impartiality, now grapples with allegations of partisanship.
Modi has been violating the model code of conduct for the elections with impunity. In fact, the commission has been at the centre of several controversies regarding its decisions to give a clean chit to Modi over allegations of a series of provocative speeches.
Adding to the complexity is the shadow cast by the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO). Reports of operational interference have surfaced, with the PMO allegedly summoning election commission officials for meetings. While the PMO’s role is to advise the Prime Minister, its involvement in electoral matters raises eyebrows. The delicate balance between executive authority and institutional independence thus hangs in the balance and new developments indicate a further worsening of the situation.
As the country votes in phases, the election commission’s decision on Modi’s hate speech will reverberate far beyond this election cycle. It will shape the contours of Indian democracy, reaffirming or challenging the primacy of constitutional norms. The world is also watching as the ECI grapples with its historic responsibility—to safeguard the rights of all citizens, regardless of faith or ethnicity. The results on June 4 will not only determine the next government but also signal whether India’s constitutional institutions remain resilient in the face of political storms.
The situation has to be seen in the context of Modi’s rise to power coinciding with the ascendancy of Hindu nationalism. Once a fringe ideology, it now permeates mainstream discourse. His party’s policies, often couched in nationalist rhetoric, have sparked debates about India’s identity. The BJP denies fostering religious intolerance, emphasizing that its measures benefit all citizens. However, critics argue that the party’s actions tell a different story—one of exclusion and marginalization. (IPA Service)
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