The proposals were published on September 9 by Melanie Sisson, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, and Tianjiao Jiang, an associate professor at Fudan University. Both participate in a US-China dialogue on artificial intelligence and national security convened by Brookings and Tsinghua University’s Centre for International Security and Strategy.
Their recommendations seek to reduce the danger that increasingly autonomous systems could trigger military escalation through error, malfunction, unauthorised action or misinterpretation. The central concern is that an AI-enabled operation affecting nuclear command networks or strategic infrastructure could leave either government with only minutes to determine whether an apparent attack was deliberate.
Sisson argued that humans should retain sole authority to initiate AI-enabled cyber operations against the other country’s nuclear command, control and communications systems, as well as other strategically important infrastructure. Her proposal treats human decision-making as a safeguard against automated actions that could exceed instructions, be compromised or be wrongly interpreted by an adversary.
Jiang called for explicit red lines barring AI systems from independently deciding to use nuclear weapons or autonomously attacking nuclear command systems. He also proposed protections for critical civilian infrastructure, including energy, finance and healthcare, where automated disruption could create wider instability.
A further recommendation is for Washington and Beijing to develop a shared definition of “meaningful human control”. Jiang warned that both governments could endorse the same principle while applying different thresholds for how much autonomy military systems may exercise, leaving dangerous gaps in understanding during a crisis.
The proposals build on an agreement reached by then-US President Joe Biden and Chinese President Xi Jinping in November 2024 that humans should retain control over decisions to use nuclear weapons. Researchers have regarded that commitment as one of the clearest areas of common ground between the two countries on military AI.
Jiang also urged the creation of a dedicated US-China military hotline for incidents involving autonomous systems. Automated cyber defences could respond to suspicious activity at machine speed, potentially prompting countermeasures before officials establish whether the original action was intentional, accidental or unauthorised.
Such a channel could allow either side to clarify an unusual AI operation before it is treated as deliberate state action. Its effectiveness, however, would depend on whether officials use it in practice during fast-moving confrontations. Existing US-China military communication mechanisms have faced criticism over delays and failures to connect during past crises.
Neither government has publicly adopted the Brookings-Tsinghua recommendations. China has nevertheless placed artificial intelligence within the portfolio of its Foreign Ministry’s Department of Arms Control, alongside nuclear weapons, missiles, non-proliferation and other strategic security issues.
China’s ambassador for disarmament affairs, Shen Jian, told a United Nations meeting in Geneva in June that military AI could affect strategic stability and increase risks of miscalculation and conflict escalation. He also said weapons should remain under human control, while Beijing has maintained that AI safety rules should not be used to justify technological restrictions.
The United States has no single arms-control body responsible for artificial intelligence. National security policy on the technology is divided among the White House National Security Council, State Department, Pentagon and other agencies, reflecting the range of military, cyber and technological issues involved.
The proposals come as the two powers remain deeply competitive in advanced computing, semiconductors and AI development while also confronting the security consequences of deploying more capable systems. Both governments have been cautious about accepting restrictions that they fear could slow technological progress or weaken strategic advantages.
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