The Channel 12 survey does not by itself settle the political question. Netanyahu remains one of the most formidable campaigners in Israeli politics and, in some head-to-head matchups reported by Israeli media, still outperforms individual rivals even as many voters say they do not want him to remain in the post. That contrast helps explain the paradox now defining Israel’s political landscape: public weariness with the prime minister has not yet produced a clear, stable alternative capable of converting frustration into a decisive governing majority.
Polls tracked through early 2026 have repeatedly shown Netanyahu’s Likud under pressure and his governing bloc short of an easy path to a majority in the 120-seat Knesset. Reuters reported in January that successive surveys since late 2023 had shown him losing ground ahead of the election expected this year. By late March, Reuters said the war with Iran had failed to give him the political lift some in his camp had hoped for, even as he worked to pass a state budget and avoid a snap vote. That is a notable shift for a leader who has often turned security crises into political recovery.
What appears to be hurting Netanyahu most is not a single event, but the accumulation of unresolved crises. The trauma of the Hamas-led assault of October 7, 2023 still shadows public debate. The hostage issue continues to exert emotional and political force. The Gaza war has dragged on, the northern front has remained volatile, and Israel’s confrontation with Iran has widened the sense that the country is managing overlapping conflicts without a clean strategic end-state. Reuters reported this week that Netanyahu’s approval had slipped from 40% at the start of the Iran war to 34%, with only a small minority judging that campaign a success.
For Netanyahu’s critics, the Channel 12 number reflects a broader judgement that his leadership has become too polarising and too tied to political survival. His long-running corruption trial, which he denies and describes as politically driven, remains part of that picture. So does the perception among opponents that coalition maintenance often takes precedence over national repair. Budget deals with ultra-Orthodox allies, disputes over military service exemptions, and battles over appointments have reinforced the impression of a government consumed by internal bargaining while the country faces external threats and deep domestic strain.
Yet the case for writing Netanyahu off is weaker than his opponents might wish. He retains a loyal base, significant influence over the right, and a reputation among supporters as a leader with unmatched experience in security crises. In a fragmented system, that matters. Polling can also be volatile, especially when rival opposition figures compete for the same anti-Netanyahu space. Naftali Bennett, Yair Lapid, Benny Gantz and Gadi Eisenkot each appeal to different slices of the electorate, but none has yet emerged as an uncontested national alternative. That fragmentation is one reason surveys can show dissatisfaction with Netanyahu while still leaving the outcome open.
Another factor is the mood of the electorate itself. Israeli voters are not speaking with one voice about what should come next. Many are angry with Netanyahu, but many are also sceptical of ceasefires that appear to leave threats intact. Reuters reported that a Hebrew University poll found nearly two-thirds of Israelis opposed the ceasefire with Iran, underscoring how public discontent with the prime minister does not necessarily translate into support for a softer security posture. Washington’s diplomacy and the uncertain outcomes of military operations have sharpened a sense among many voters that Israel’s leadership crisis is inseparable from the absence of a convincing strategic horizon.
Follow Arabian Post
Select Arabian Post as your preferred source on Google and MSN News for trusted business news and Arab politics and updates.
