Arabian Post Staff -Dubai
The kingdom will serve as the founding and leading state of the alliance and host its permanent headquarters. Representatives from 43 countries and the European Union attended talks on the initiative, while 14 states issued a joint declaration supporting its formation.
The founding group comprises Saudi Arabia, Türkiye, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, Jordan, Egypt, Pakistan, Djibouti, Somalia, Bangladesh, Yemen, Sudan and the Comoros. Membership remains open to other governments after they complete their domestic approval procedures.
The coalition will focus on the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, the Gulf of Aden and adjoining Red Sea waters. Its stated objectives include protecting freedom of navigation, securing international trade and energy routes, improving intelligence-sharing and coordinating responses to threats against merchant vessels.
The announcement follows a sharp escalation involving Yemen’s Houthi movement, which declared a maritime blockade against Saudi Arabia on July 20. The group has threatened vessels calling at Saudi ports and claimed attacks on ships linked to the kingdom, including oil tankers using the Red Sea export route.
Saudi Arabia has answered the attacks with strikes on Houthi military facilities around Yemen’s Hodeidah province. Riyadh said the targeted sites were being used to prepare operations against commercial vessels and regional infrastructure.
The confrontation has placed added pressure on the Bab al-Mandeb, a narrow passage connecting the Red Sea with the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean. The strait is only about 29 kilometres wide at its narrowest point, forcing vessels into limited inbound and outbound shipping lanes.
More than four billion barrels of crude oil and refined petroleum products passed through the waterway in 2024, representing about 5 per cent of global petroleum trade. Before Houthi attacks disrupted the route from late 2023, more than 70 ships crossed the strait each day.
The Red Sea has acquired greater importance for Saudi energy exports because of disruption in the Strait of Hormuz. The kingdom has increased the movement of crude through its East-West Pipeline to Yanbu, allowing oil produced near the Gulf coast to reach terminals on the Red Sea.
Exports from Yanbu rose from roughly 763,000 barrels per day before the latest Gulf supply crisis to about 3.8 million barrels per day. That expansion made the port a critical alternative outlet, but it also increased the economic impact of Houthi threats against Saudi-linked shipping.
Several large crude carriers and commercial vessels have altered course, stopped near the entrance to the Red Sea or turned back after the blockade declaration. Some ships have switched off their automatic identification systems, limiting public tracking as operators seek to reduce their exposure.
Rerouting vessels around the Cape of Good Hope adds thousands of kilometres to voyages between Asia, the Middle East and Europe. The longer passage raises fuel, crew and insurance costs and delays deliveries of energy products, manufactured goods and raw materials.
The coalition will operate alongside existing international security arrangements rather than replacing them. The European Union has maintained its Aspides naval mission in the area since 2024, while the United States previously organised Operation Prosperity Guardian to counter attacks on commercial shipping.
Washington has not formally joined the Saudi-led initiative. The participation of Türkiye, Pakistan and Egypt nevertheless gives the alliance access to significant naval capabilities, while Djibouti and Somalia occupy strategically important positions near the southern entrance to the Red Sea.
The absence of the United Arab Emirates and Oman from the founding declaration highlights differences among Gulf states over regional military coordination. Both countries have major maritime interests, but neither was listed among the governments that endorsed the coalition’s charter.
Riyadh has characterised the alliance as defensive, seeking to attract countries that depend on uninterrupted shipping without requiring them to support a broader military campaign in Yemen. That distinction could prove important for states seeking stronger maritime protection while avoiding direct involvement in regional conflicts.
The coalition’s effectiveness will depend on its command structure, rules of engagement and the naval assets committed by members. Surveillance aircraft, escort vessels, mine-clearing units and intelligence networks will be needed to cover the extensive waters between the Suez Canal, Bab al-Mandeb and Gulf of Aden.
Commercial operators will also judge the initiative by whether it reduces insurance premiums and restores confidence among shipping companies. Houthi forces do not need to sink large numbers of vessels to disrupt trade. The threat of missiles, drones or sea mines can be sufficient to persuade shipowners to avoid the area.
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