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Japan is intensifying its economic engagement with Gulf partners as policymakers and corporate leaders seek to counter global uncertainty and reduce exposure to shifting geopolitical priorities under evolving US policy. The recalibration marks a notable acceleration in Tokyo’s outreach to the Middle East’s major sovereign investors, energy exporters, and technology funds, reflecting a sense within government and industry that the country must widen access to capital and secure strategic partnerships as global supply chains face persistent strain.

A growing number of senior officials and executives have argued that Japan’s longstanding reliance on the US as an anchor for both economic and security stability now requires broader support. Their stance reflects concerns generated by the more transactional orientation of the US under the America First framework, which has amplified debates in Tokyo on the need for diversified alliances. That reassessment has coincided with unprecedented liquidity flows across the Gulf, where sovereign wealth funds are expanding global portfolios in sectors ranging from clean energy and advanced manufacturing to semiconductors, logistics and emerging technologies.

Prime Minister Fumio Kishida’s government has moved to strengthen ties with the region’s largest investment authorities, including Abu Dhabi’s Mubadala Investment Company and Saudi Arabia’s Public Investment Fund. Japanese ministries have encouraged joint projects that align with national priorities such as chip resilience, hydrogen supply chains, carbon management, and infrastructure modernisation. Officials familiar with the discussions say the focus extends beyond energy security to long-term industrial cooperation, with Tokyo exploring ways to integrate Middle Eastern capital into Japan’s domestic renewal.

Several major companies have already positioned themselves to capture the shift. Trading houses such as Mitsui & Co. and Mitsubishi Corp. have expanded partnerships in clean fuels and petrochemicals, while Japan’s leading automakers are examining opportunities linked to Gulf diversification strategies, particularly in battery supply, autonomous mobility, and advanced materials. Banks including MUFG and SMBC are increasing their presence in the region to support outbound investment, project finance, and corporate advisory mandates requested by Gulf entities looking to deploy capital in Asia.

Analysts observe that the evolving dynamic is not one-sided. Middle Eastern investors have signalled interest in stable, technologically advanced economies as part of their long-term diversification plans. Japan’s strong intellectual property base, advanced industrial ecosystem, and predictable regulatory environment have become increasingly attractive to funds seeking alternatives to higher-risk markets. Executives have also pointed to the convergence of strategic priorities, including shared urgency around food security, energy transition, and digital infrastructure development.

The country’s semiconductor revival has emerged as a key area of alignment. As Japan attempts to rebuild its chip manufacturing footprint with government-backed projects involving firms such as Rapidus and partnerships with global foundries, Gulf investors have explored opportunities to participate in upstream and downstream components of the supply chain. Officials tracking the conversations describe growing interest from Middle Eastern funds in Japan’s materials science know-how and next-generation fabrication technologies, which they view as long-term assets capable of supporting their broader industrial programmes.

Energy cooperation remains central to the relationship. Japan continues to depend heavily on the Gulf for crude oil and liquefied natural gas, but the nature of that relationship is shifting toward co-investment in renewable energy, hydrogen production, and carbon capture projects. Tokyo’s efforts to secure stable supplies of blue and green hydrogen align closely with the decarbonisation roadmaps of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, which are positioning themselves as future exporters of low-carbon fuels. Japanese companies have signed multiple memoranda with Gulf partners to test supply chains that could support both nations’ energy transition targets.

Technology collaboration is also gathering momentum. Gulf sovereign funds have expanded their allocations to late-stage venture investments and tech infrastructure, creating new openings for Japanese firms in fields such as robotics, clean-tech, mobility software, and advanced manufacturing systems. Executives from several technology conglomerates have confirmed that discussions are under way to establish joint R&D facilities, venture co-investment platforms, and industrial clusters that could operate across Asia and the Middle East.

Diplomatic signalling has reinforced the economic shift. Visits by senior Japanese officials to Riyadh, Abu Dhabi, Doha and Manama have highlighted Tokyo’s intent to deepen ties not only through energy partnerships but also through digital transformation initiatives, defence industrial cooperation, and food-supply agreements. These engagements complement Japan’s broader Indo-Pacific strategy, which emphasises stability, open trade routes, and resilience in critical sectors.

AceVector Ltd, the parent company of the e-commerce marketplace Snapdeal, has submitted an updated draft red herring prospectus to the Securities and Exchange Board of India, signalling that the company is advancing toward an initial public offering. The filing proposes a fresh issue of shares worth ₹300 crore, accompanied by an offer-for-sale of up to 6.38 crore equity shares held by existing investors.

The IPO proceeds are earmarked for scaling the business. AceVector plans to deploy funds towards marketing and promotion of the Snapdeal marketplace, bolstering the technological infrastructure underpinning its operations, and pursuing inorganic growth opportunities including potential acquisitions. A portion of the financing will also support general corporate purposes.

AceVector is not just Snapdeal: the company also owns the e-commerce enablement SaaS provider Unicommerce and the consumer-brands arm Stellaro Brands. Unicommerce, which had listed in 2024, reportedly saw significant investor interest, and adding Stellaro Brands gives AceVector a diversified presence across marketplace, software services, and private-label retail.

Despite being backed by long-standing investors such as SoftBank, Nexus Venture Partners and Foxconn, the company’s co-founders Kunal Bahl and Rohit Bansal — together owning roughly 34.63 per cent — are not offering any shares in the OFS, signalling confidence in the firm’s long-term prospects.

AceVector’s financials for the first half of fiscal year 2026 paint a picture of recovery. The company reported an operating revenue of ₹244 crore, up from ₹181 crore in the corresponding prior period — a growth of 34–35 per cent. The performance appears to have bolstered its public listing readiness.

Industry observers note that the renewed IPO attempt reflects changing market conditions and renewed investor appetite for technology-led and value-oriented e-commerce platforms. AceVector’s diversified structure — marketplace operations via Snapdeal, SaaS services through Unicommerce, and owned-brands via Stellaro — gives it a broad base that may appeal to a wide set of investors, especially in a market increasingly inclined toward asset-light, ecosystem-driven business models.

This filing follows a prior confidential DRHP submission in July 2025 and regulatory clearance from SEBI in November. That earlier ambition to raise a larger amount had been scaled down, possibly reflecting more conservative valuations and a recalibrated approach to public listing.

A decision to withdraw a controversial directive on compulsory smartphone app preinstallation has been taken by the authorities after sustained objections from device makers and technology firms. The policy reversal follows intense debate over whether phone manufacturers should be required to preload the government’s Sanchar Saathi platform, amid concerns about user privacy, operating system integrity and compliance burdens. The shift comes less than two days after reports that Apple had declined to adopt the mandate, setting off a wider industry pushback that accelerated the measure’s rollback.

Officials confirmed that the mandatory installation plan has been shelved, indicating that further consultations will be held before any such directive is reconsidered. The original order sought to ensure that every new smartphone sold in the country carried Sanchar Saathi, a platform designed to help users trace lost devices, block stolen handsets and verify mobile connections. While the tool is already available for voluntary download, stakeholders argued that forcing manufacturers to embed it at the system level risked creating fragmentation across devices, complicating software updates and compromising user choice.

Senior executives from major handset brands expressed relief at the reversal, noting that the directive had introduced uncertainty at a time when the phone market is preparing for a competitive year-end cycle. Apple, which typically restricts preinstalled third-party apps to maintain strict control over its ecosystem, had reportedly conveyed through official channels that compliance would conflict with long-standing platform policies. That position highlighted the technical complexities of enforcing a uniform preinstallation rule across operating systems that function on entirely different architectures. Android phone makers had also raised procedural questions, cautioning that mandatory system additions could require extensive vetting, security reviews and manufacturer-specific testing.

The broader industry reaction underscored concerns about data governance and user rights. Digital rights groups argued that preloading state-linked applications without explicit user consent could set a troubling precedent, even if the stated aim of the app was consumer protection. Cybersecurity specialists added that any software embedded at the system level must undergo rigorous, transparent auditing to prevent vulnerabilities that malicious actors could exploit. They warned that compulsory integration could expand the attack surface on devices at a time when financial fraud, phone cloning and identity theft cases continue to grow.

Officials involved in policymaking acknowledged that the industry’s logistical and legal objections played a decisive role in halting the order. They said the withdrawal would allow departments to reassess the technical feasibility of the measure and examine alternative ways to boost the adoption of Sanchar Saathi without imposing new conditions on manufacturers. The platform, launched by the Department of Telecommunications, has gained traction through voluntary use, particularly for blocking stolen phones via the Central Equipment Identity Register. Policymakers are studying whether awareness campaigns, improved onboarding flows and coordination with telecom operators could enhance user uptake more effectively than preinstallation.

Market analysts described the reversal as a pragmatic move aimed at preventing friction between the government and global technology firms, particularly at a time when the country’s digital manufacturing ambitions remain in focus. Apple, which has expanded iPhone assembly through local partners, is seen as a critical participant in that strategy. Analysts said any regulatory action that appears to conflict with its operating standards risks diluting investment momentum. They added that Android manufacturers, many of whom operate extensive local supply chains, would also have faced significant re-engineering work to align with the directive.

Industry groups emphasised that while supporting consumer safety initiatives, they prefer interventions that preserve user autonomy and maintain consistent software governance standards. Stakeholders reiterated that preinstallation mandates, unless narrowly tailored and transparently justified, can lead to compatibility issues and unintended consequences across a diverse device ecosystem. They also highlighted that global smartphone markets increasingly recognise the importance of limiting bloatware and avoiding compulsory system-level apps that cannot be removed by users.

Smartphone makers in India have been instructed by the telecom ministry to preload a government-owned cybersecurity app on all new devices sold in the country, blocking users from deleting the application once installed. Under a directive issued on November 28, companies such as Apple, Samsung, Vivo, Oppo and Xiaomi have been given a 90-day window to ensure all handset models destined for India include the Sanchar Saathi app. For devices already in the retail pipeline or those awaiting sale, manufacturers must deliver the app via over-the-air software updates and ensure it appears prominently during first-use setup.

Authorities say the app plays a key role in telecom security by giving users tools to verify device authenticity through IMEI checks, report suspected thefts or fraud, and block lost or stolen phones. Since the app’s launch in January 2025, government data indicates it has helped recover over 700,000 lost devices and block millions of connections flagged as fraudulent. Officials argue that this move is critical to counter growing misuse of duplicate or tampered IMEI numbers—a problem that fuels scams and the resale of stolen phones across India’s vast second-hand device market.

This mandate marks the first time the government has required a permanently installed, non-removable application on all smartphones sold in the country. The decision reflects a broader tightening of regulatory oversight over telecom infrastructure and device authenticity, drawing parallels with security measures in other jurisdictions.

The requirement has triggered sharp criticism from technology companies and privacy advocates alike. For example, the policy of Apple prohibits pre-installation of third-party or government apps prior to device sale—an approach that could force the company to either seek exemptions or find workarounds. Industry representatives have warned that the mandate may strain compliance operations, increase production costs, and undermine relationships with handset vendors.

Beyond logistical concerns, digital rights groups argue the rule tramples on user consent and privacy. Critics contend that embedding a state-run app with potentially broad access on every phone amounts to unwarranted surveillance and sets a troubling precedent. Some lawmakers and civil liberties advocates dubbed the move “a Big Brother measure,” warning that once entrenched, such mandates could be expanded further, eroding individual privacy without adequate data-protection safeguards.