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Zhu Lei, CMO of Gree Electric, stated that Gree has participated in the Canton Fair for 31 consecutive years. This year, GREE brought 130 products to the event. Facing the global market, GREE strives to fully meet the practical needs of consumers from different regions worldwide. Notably, the majority of these products are originally manufactured in and exported from China, reflecting the dedication and ingenuity of GREE’s Chinese craftsmen.

It is reported that at this year’s Canton Fair, GREE has created a full-industry-chain exhibition space ranging from core components to scenario-based solutions. To date, buyers from over 50 countries and regions have scheduled visits and business negotiations, marking a 21% year-on-year increase.

Currently, the global home appliance industry is undergoing a dual transformation. On one hand, an energy efficiency revolution driven by the “Dual Carbon” goals makes the transition to eco-friendly refrigerants an urgent priority; on the other hand, an experience revolution spurred by consumption upgrades has made quietness, health, and smart features the core demands of users. GREE’s SilenzX series ultra-quiet air conditioners, showcased at the event, serve as a precise response to this trend. Equipped with a self-developed rotary four-cylinder compressor, the SilenzX series reduces the minimum sound pressure level of the outdoor unit to a mere 29 decibels—far below the industry average of 42 decibels. Backed by 137 invention patents, the product recently won a Gold Medal at the International Exhibition of Inventions Geneva, signaling that Chinese enterprises have shifted from being “followers” to “leaders” in the realm of comfort technology.

A deeper layer of competitiveness stems from GREE’s long-term bet on a green future. Among the products showcased at this Canton Fair, over 80% are equipped with AI, green energy-saving, and other advanced technologies. GREE has comprehensively implemented R290 eco-friendly refrigerant technology across its entire product matrix, including split units, window units, and water heaters. Furthermore, its world-first photovoltaic air conditioning system has achieved a systemic breakthrough of “zero carbon emissions, zero electricity bills, and zero waste.” The AI dynamic energy-saving technology also utilizes intelligent algorithm optimization to boost annual energy efficiency by 15.8% and reduce power consumption by 13.6%. Rather than isolated technological features, these represent comprehensive green solutions that cover the entire chain of energy production, transmission, and consumption, providing the industry with a leapfrog path from “low-carbon compliance” to “zero-carbon leadership.”

Behind this systemic innovation capability lies a full-industry-chain competitive moat forged through 35 years of independent R&D. At this Canton Fair, Gree introduced three major compressors—G-Boost, G-Storm, and G-Hyper—which have successfully overcome industry challenges such as ultra-high-temperature cooling and ultra-low-temperature heating. Its star product, the GMV 9 series, is capable of operating in an ultra-wide temperature range from -35°C to 60°C, marking GREE’s achievement of full-stack technological autonomy from core components to system integration.

This strategic resolve is yielding substantial returns in GREE’s global layout. As one of the first Chinese home appliance companies to venture overseas, GREE has built a network covering more than 190 countries and regions. Independent brands now account for 70% of its total export volume, and this figure exceeds 85% in Belt and Road countries. This marks a highly successful, high-quality transformation from a traditional OEM (Original Equipment Manufacturer) model to an independent brand-led enterprise.

From core technological breakthroughs to a green and low-carbon transition, GREE remains rooted in technology and centered on quality. Its presence at the Canton Fair serves as a vivid microcosm of the transformation and upgrading of China’s manufacturing sector, demonstrating the powerful potential and dynamic momentum of “Made in China.”
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The scale of that shift is visible in the medical figures. South Korea’s health authorities said 606,000 foreign patients visited in 2023, the highest number recorded since the country began tracking the sector in 2009. By 2024, the official Medical Korea platform put the figure at about 1.17 million foreign patients from 202 countries, while Seoul alone accounted for 999,642 of them, or about 85 per cent of the national total. The concentration in the capital is striking: Gangnam, Seocho, Mapo, Jung and Songpa handled the overwhelming bulk of these visits, confirming that beauty tourism is being shaped by a handful of highly specialised urban clusters rather than by the country as a whole.

Dermatology has emerged as the clearest entry point. Health ministry data for 2023 showed dermatology attracting the largest share of foreign patients, ahead of plastic surgery, and industry reporting through 2025 indicated skin treatments were outpacing more invasive procedures among international visitors. That matters because it widens the customer base. Travellers who might hesitate over surgery are more willing to book laser treatments, pigmentation care, lifting procedures, injectables or intensive facials during a short stay. The result is a form of tourism that overlaps with shopping and leisure rather than replacing them, making beauty visits easier to package into ordinary city breaks.

Government and tourism bodies have not treated this as a side trend. The Korea Tourism Organization has already built beauty directly into destination marketing through programmes such as the Korea Beauty Festival, which offers overseas visitors discounts and experiences across hair, make-up, fashion, medical treatment and wellbeing. Seoul authorities have also expanded the infrastructure around foreign patients, pointing to a jump in registered international medical centres and greater use of interpreter coordinators to help overseas visitors navigate consultations and aftercare. That kind of support helps explain why South Korea’s beauty appeal now rests not just on trendsetting products but on the ease of consuming beauty services inside a highly organised visitor ecosystem.

Another force behind the surge is the spread of Korean popular culture. K-pop, drama and celebrity social media have long influenced global beauty standards, but the commercial effect is now spilling into travel. Reuters reported on Thursday that South Korea logged an all-time monthly tourism high of 2.06 million foreign visitors in March, with first-quarter arrivals reaching 4.76 million. That growth was linked chiefly to cultural pull, including the return of BTS activity and wider interest in Korean entertainment. Beauty tourism benefits from the same soft-power halo: audiences who first encounter Korean looks through idols, actors or influencers are increasingly seeking the clinics, salons and skincare routines associated with them.

Commerce tells the same story. Reuters reported last year that South Korea overtook France as the largest cosmetics exporter to the United States in 2024, underlining how deeply Korean brands have penetrated daily routines abroad. Official trade ministry material later said cosmetics exports reached a record $10.2 billion in 2024 and were still climbing in 2025, while other official data cited in January put 2025 exports at an all-time high of $11.43 billion. Those sales matter because they function as marketing for the destination itself. Consumers who begin with Beauty of Joseon, Medicube, Biodance or similar brands often move from product loyalty to place loyalty, treating Seoul as the authentic site where innovation, testing and experience come together.

Yet the boom is not without friction. South Korea ended its VAT refund scheme for foreign cosmetic and dermatological procedures from January 2026 after allowing the incentive to run for about a decade. Industry groups warned that the move could dent price competitiveness and push more cost-sensitive travellers towards rivals such as Singapore or other regional markets. Some clinics, however, argued that the refund had become less decisive than reputation, safety and trust, especially for visitors worried about counterfeit products, opaque pricing or weaker specialist ecosystems elsewhere. That debate goes to the heart of South Korea’s position: whether it is winning mainly on affordability or on brand, quality and concentration of expertise.

The dispute sits inside a broader U. S. tariff reset. In March, the USTR opened Section 301 investigations into structural excess capacity in manufacturing across 16 economies, including Singapore, and launched another set of probes into whether about 60 economies have failed to prohibit or effectively enforce bans on imports made with forced labour. Reuters reported that the Trump administration moved down this route after a Supreme Court ruling in February struck at the legal basis of a large part of its earlier tariff framework, prompting Washington to search for narrower but still forceful trade instruments. USTR said comments were due by April 15, with hearings on forced labour beginning on April 28 and on overcapacity from May 5.

Singapore’s central argument is that the U. S. portrayal of the bilateral trade balance is flawed. In its submission, the Ministry of Trade and Industry said the United States has run a consistent overall trade surplus with Singapore for more than two decades. Data cited by Singapore from U. S. agencies show America posted a goods trade surplus of US$1.9 billion and a services trade surplus of US$25.1 billion with Singapore in 2024, with those surpluses rising in 2025 to US$3.6 billion and US$29.6 billion respectively. Singapore also said the U. S. recorded sectoral surpluses in semiconductors and electrical equipment as well as petrochemicals, undercutting the suggestion that exports from Singapore into the American market are being fuelled by a broad pattern of manufacturing distortion.

That matters because Washington’s overcapacity inquiry is built around the idea that some trading partners maintain large or persistent surpluses, idle production or both, allowing them to push artificially cheap goods into world markets. Singapore’s reply does not deny that the U. S. is entitled to examine trade imbalances, but it says its own industrial base does not fit that template. Officials pointed to manufacturing-space occupancy holding around 90 per cent over the past five years, which they said is consistent with advanced-economy norms and inconsistent with the claim of large underused capacity. Singapore further argued that, given land scarcity, it would run against policy and economic logic for industrial land to be left substantially idle.

On the labour side, Singapore’s response is equally direct. The government said it does not condone forced labour in supply chains and has legal and enforcement mechanisms to address such practices. Channel NewsAsia reported that Singapore told U. S. investigators it has a comprehensive domestic framework against forced labour and against the importation of goods produced through it. That is an important distinction, because the U. S. probe is not confined to labour abuses inside a country’s own factories; it is also examining whether governments adequately prevent tainted goods from entering their markets and then moving through global trade channels.

The business implications extend beyond Singapore. The U. S. investigations cover major manufacturing and export economies across Asia and Europe, and any eventual remedies could include new duties or other restrictions before temporary tariffs expire in July, according to Reuters and trade-law analyses tracking the dockets. For companies, that raises the prospect of higher compliance costs, closer supply-chain screening and a wider blending of trade policy with labour-rights enforcement. Singapore’s case is being watched because it is a high-value manufacturing and logistics hub with deep exposure to electronics, pharmaceuticals, petrochemicals and re-export trade, sectors where even modest tariff changes can alter sourcing decisions.

Politically, the row is awkward for both sides. Singapore is not only a long-standing U. S. economic partner; its free-trade agreement with Washington remains America’s only such pact with a South-east Asian trading partner. Singapore has said bilateral trade and investment support around 350,000 jobs in the United States, while its direct investment stock there reached US$71.7 billion in 2025. That does not shield it from a more aggressive U. S. trade climate, but it does give Singapore a stronger basis than many others to argue that the relationship is balanced, rules-based and mutually beneficial.

China’s economy expanded faster than expected in the first quarter, giving Beijing a firmer platform as it confronts the fallout from the war involving Iran, but the details beneath the headline number pointed to a recovery still leaning heavily on industry and exports while households remain cautious. Official data released on Thursday showed gross domestic product grew 5.0% from a year earlier in January to March, above the 4.8% forecast in a Reuters poll and up from 4.5% in the final quarter of 2025. Quarterly growth came in at 1.3%, slightly ahead of the previous quarter.

The stronger reading suggested that the first shockwaves from the conflict in the Middle East have not yet knocked China off course. Markets took the figures as a sign of resilience. Mainland share indices rose after the release and the yuan held near its strongest levels in three years, reflecting confidence that the world’s second-largest economy has, for now, absorbed higher energy risks better than some had feared.

Yet the composition of growth was less reassuring. March industrial output rose 5.7% from a year earlier, beating expectations, but retail sales slowed to 1.7%, well below forecasts and down from 2.8% in the first two months of the year. Fixed-asset investment in the first quarter rose 1.7%, also missing expectations, while property investment fell 11.2%. Those figures reinforced a pattern that has defined China’s economy for months: factories, infrastructure and technology manufacturing are carrying more of the load than domestic consumption or housing.

That imbalance matters because Beijing has repeatedly signalled that stronger household demand is essential to putting growth on a steadier footing. Economists cited in the reporting on Thursday said the first-quarter strength was driven largely by momentum built in January and February, especially through exports and industrial activity, while March showed signs of softer conditions. The slowdown in shop spending is particularly sensitive because consumer confidence has remained fragile even as policymakers talk up support for incomes, jobs and services-led demand.

The war has complicated that task without yet derailing it. Since hostilities erupted on 28 February, China has faced a familiar vulnerability: it is the world’s largest energy importer and still relies on stable global shipping and manageable oil prices to protect factory margins and household purchasing power. Reuters reported that economists believe China has so far weathered the shock because of large oil reserves, a diversified energy mix and price controls, but they also warned that persistently higher oil costs are beginning to filter through supply chains and squeeze profits.

Evidence of that pressure is already visible. Reuters noted this week that factory-gate prices in March rose for the first time in more than three years, a signal that energy-driven cost increases are feeding into production. Export growth, which had been one of the brighter spots, also lost momentum in March after a very strong start to the year, raising the possibility that manufacturers will find it harder to sustain their pace if shipping costs stay elevated and overseas demand weakens.

Beijing’s response is likely to stay measured unless the conflict worsens. Policymakers have already set a budget deficit of about 4% of GDP for 2026 and planned heavy bond issuance to support activity. Analysts polled by Reuters expect the central bank to keep the one-year loan prime rate steady through the year, with only a modest cut to reserve requirements anticipated later on. A stronger first quarter gives officials more room to avoid large-scale stimulus at this month’s Politburo meeting, though that calculus could change if oil prices climb further or exports weaken more sharply.

The broader international backdrop is not especially forgiving. The IMF said in its April World Economic Outlook material that the Middle East conflict is lowering growth expectations for advanced economies in 2026, even if the aggregate effect is described as modest. For China, that matters less through direct battlefield exposure than through energy costs, shipping uncertainty and the health of major overseas markets. A prolonged conflict would test the durability of China’s export-led strength at the same time as its consumer recovery remains incomplete.

Malaysia is positioning itself as a discreet diplomatic channel between Gulf capitals and Tehran, with Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim saying leaders from the Arab world have asked Kuala Lumpur to convey their concerns to Iran’s leadership as governments search for ways to contain the Middle East conflict. Anwar made the remarks in Putrajaya on 16 April during a joint appearance with Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, adding a new dimension to Malaysia’s response after it had already secured passage for its vessels through the Strait of Hormuz through direct engagement with Tehran.

The comments suggest Malaysia sees room to act beyond its traditional Southeast Asian brief at a moment when the war-linked shock in the Gulf is reverberating through energy markets, shipping lanes and food supply chains far beyond the region. Anwar’s statement also points to how some Gulf states may be looking for intermediaries that maintain workable ties with Iran while still being able to speak with a broader range of governments. Malaysia has presented itself as a neutral actor, and Anwar has argued that any contact with Tehran should be aimed at de-escalation rather than tactical positioning inside the conflict.

His remarks fit into a chronology that has been building for weeks. On 26 March, Anwar said Iran had agreed to allow Malaysian-flagged vessels to pass through the Strait of Hormuz after he held talks with leaders from Iran, Egypt, Turkey and other regional states. He thanked Iran’s president for facilitating the release of Malaysian oil tankers and their crews, while also acknowledging that Tehran remained wary because of what he described as broken assurances and the lack of firm security guarantees.

That earlier intervention mattered because the Strait has become one of the most sensitive pressure points in the wider confrontation. Iran’s restrictions and the broader conflict have disrupted oil and gas shipments, pushed governments to seek alternative supply arrangements and revived fears over the security of one of the world’s most important maritime corridors. ASEAN foreign ministers, in a virtual meeting on 13 April, urged the United States and Iran to sustain negotiations toward a permanent resolution and called for the restoration of safe and continuous navigation for vessels and aircraft through the Hormuz corridor.

Malaysia’s diplomatic posture is being shaped as much by economic exposure as by political calculation. Reuters reported this week that Kuala Lumpur and Canberra agreed to strengthen energy and trade ties in response to disruption caused by the Middle East conflict, with Anwar saying Petronas would prioritise supplying Australia with excess fuel. That followed reporting on Albanese’s 14-17 April visit to Brunei and Malaysia, where fuel security and fertiliser supply were central themes as Canberra sought to cushion the impact of the Hormuz disruption.

For Malaysia, that means diplomacy cannot be separated from domestic cost pressures. The government has already had to manage the implications of tighter oil and gas supplies, and Anwar said in March that while fuel subsidies would stay, Putrajaya would move to reduce subsidised fuel allocations to contain the fiscal strain. The message was that Malaysia’s outreach to Tehran is not only about foreign policy profile; it is also about protecting shipping, energy flows and household stability at home.

The broader regional setting helps explain why Gulf states might see value in using a country such as Malaysia as a messenger. Several governments in the Gulf are recalibrating how they deal with Tehran after the conflict exposed both their vulnerability to retaliation and the limits of outside security guarantees. At the same time, alternative mediators are emerging. Pakistan’s army chief was in Tehran on 16 April for talks linked to possible new US-Iran negotiations, underscoring how middle powers across Asia are trying to create off-ramps before the ceasefire window narrows further.

Malaysia is unlikely to become a formal broker on its own, and Anwar has not claimed such a mandate. What he has done is signal that Kuala Lumpur is already part of a live diplomatic relay, trusted by some Arab leaders to transmit messages to Tehran and willing to use that access in support of a political settlement. That role may suit all sides precisely because it is informal, low-key and tied to a country that has avoided the sharper alignments defining the conflict.